14 March 2013
By Aaron David Miller
Other than Mahmoud Abbas, Saeb Erekat could be the
most recognizable Palestinian on the planet. The chief
Palestinian negotiator is certainly among the most
passionate in promoting the cause. And nobody on the
Palestinian side knows the substance of the issues or
the negotiating history better.
I first met Erekat in the late 1980s, while working on
the Palestinian issue for then Secretary of State
George Shultz. Back then, the U.S.-educated diplomat
was already showing the brashness and outspokenness
that would make him one of the most memorable -- if
exasperating -- of the Palestinians with whom we
dealt.
He annoyed then Secretary of State James Baker by
wearing his kaffiyeh around his shoulders at the
opening of the Madrid Peace Conference in October
1991. And over the years, he continued to annoy the
Israelis too with his fiery performances
on CNN -- though to this day, key Israeli negotiators,
such as Isaac Molho, continue to praise his pragmatism
at the bargaining table.
It was Erekat's academic bent, analytical chops, and
capacity to write in English that would make him so
indispensable to the only Palestinian who really
counted in those days -- Yasir Arafat. Erekat was a
unique figure -- neither a fighter (no nom
de guerre for
him), nor a PLO insider, nor an organization man from
Tunis. Rather, he was a West Banker from
Jericho, and he succeeded in maintaining his relevance
in a Palestinian political scene dominated not by
fellowacademics, but by hard men defined by struggle
and intrigue. During the heady days of the peace
process, he became a key point of contact for the
Americans, the Israelis, the Arabs, and much of the
rest of the international community.
I came to know Erekat not only as a negotiator, but as
a person. He sent his kids to Seeds of Peace, a
conflict resolution and coexistence organization that
I ran briefly after leaving the State Department, and
my daughter befriended his and stayed with the Erekats
in Jericho. Saeb and I have yelled at each
other, defended our respective positions, laughed, and
mourned opportunities that were never adequately
explored. But through it all, what he said about
himself was true: He wasn't as pro-Palestinian or
pro-Israeli as much as he was pro-peace.
That peace has proven elusive to this day. But with
all our differences -- and there are many -- I believe
Erekat believes in its possibility. Who else would
list as an "objective" on his resume: "Solve the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict based on a two state
negotiated solution through diplomatic offices"?
If, or perhaps when, another effort to negotiate a
deal is made, one thing is clear -- Erekat will be in
the middle of it. Last week, he agreed to answer my
questions on the past and future of the
Israeli-Palestinian problem.
FP: What
were your best and worst moments in the
Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, and what was the
greatest missed opportunity?
Saeb Erekat: Though
I was not the chief negotiator at that moment, the
connection between [then Prime Minister Yitzhak] Rabin
and President Arafat made everyone around them,
including myself, feel that peace was possible. There
was significant progress in all tracks until Rabin's
assassination by an Israeli terrorist -- after he was
killed, no Israeli leader had the vision to understand
that the window of opportunity for a two-state
solution would close as fast as they continued their
colonization policies.
The missed opportunity has definitely been Israel
throwing away the Arab Peace Initiative, which offers
normalization of relations of 57 countries with Israel
in exchange for Israeli withdrawal to the 1967 border.
They threw it away by bombing Gaza, by intensifying
collective punishments, and by increasing settlement
construction all over the occupied West Bank,
particularly in and around Occupied East Jerusalem.
FP: 2013
is the 20th anniversary of the Oslo negotiations. What
was Oslo's greatest success, and its greatest failure?
SE: The
fact that, two decades after Oslo, we are still a
nation under occupation shows that Israeli governments
did derail it. The interim accords were not supposed
to last for 20 years but only five. After that, we
were going to enjoy freedom and sovereignty.
But Israel increased its settlement expansion. In
fact, within 20 years, the number of settlers almost
tripled. The institution-building efforts led by the
Palestinian government have been completely undermined
by the lack of freedom. This situation cannot
continue. Oslo succeeded in bringing back 250,000
Palestinians from the diaspora and building the
capacity for our state. The international community
failed though, by granting Israel an unprecedented
culture of impunity that allowed them to use
negotiations as a means to continue rather than stop
colonization.
FP: What
is the most important thing Israelis don't understand
about Palestinians?
SE: That
we are not going anywhere. As simple as that. We are
not going to disappear just because their government
builds an annexation wall around us.
They should close their eyes and imagine their state
within 10 years time. What do they see? If they
continue their policies, they are going to officially
adopt the form of an apartheid regime, which I think
is not what many Israelis want.
FP: What
is the most important thing Palestinians have learned
about Israelis?
SE: That
Israelis will not take back the ships that brought
them here to leave somewhere else. We got to
understand that we have to live side by side. The
rules of engagement, though, cannot be those of
apartheid, but those of freedom.
FP: What
do you expect from the next Israeli government on the
peace process?
SE: I
don't think there is room for optimism, but our
position hasn't changed. We don't see any other
solution than a two-state solution. Any Israeli
government that recognizes this fact and respects what
previous governments have agreed upon should become a
partner for peace.
FP: Is
Hamas-Fatah unity possible, and what would the impact
be on the future of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations?
SE: We
expect to have progress in the near future, with Hamas
allowing the Central Elections Commission to register
new voters in Gaza. I believe there is political
agreement -- in fact, there is a signed agreement. We
expect to have elections as soon as possible, which is
the right way to solve our differences: Let our people
decide, those in Palestine as well as our people in
the Diaspora.
Having said so, Hamas has recognized the Palestine
Liberation Organization as the sole and legitimate
representative of the Palestinian people, including
its mandate to negotiate a final status agreement with
Israel. Once that is achieved, we expect to hold a
national referendum.
FP: How
would you describe Egypt's role in the peace process
now? What do you expect from President Barack Obama's
administration with regards to the peace process?
SE: Egypt
has played a central role, and continues to do so. We
trust that Egypt, under President Mohamed Morsy's
leadership, will continue to play a strong role
because Palestine and Egypt have a common interest in
achieving peace.
President Obama had stated that he has a personal
commitment to bring peace to the Middle East. We, the
Egyptians, and the rest of the Arab world tell him
that we are ready for peace. We have the Arab Peace
Initiative. This goes in line with the stated U.S.
national interest. Washington's failure to explicitly
say that Israel is to blame for choosing settlements
over peace has contributed to Israel's culture of
impunity.
FP: Can
America be an effective broker in negotiations?
SE: If
the U.S. decides to be an honest broker, it could not
only be effective but in fact could bring real peace
to the region, a just and lasting one. The U.S. has a
moral obligation toward the Palestinian people, who
have been under occupation and living in exile for
decades.
FP: Is
a two state solution still possible?
SE: Yes,
but only if there is a political will. So far,
Israel's will is about colonization, and the
international community has failed to put an end to
decades of double standards by treating Israel as a
state above the law. We don't see any other solution
than a two-state solution, though Israel is taking us
to a one-state reality.
* Dr. Saeb Erakat one of the prominent
faces of Palestinian struggles and Chief PLO
negotiator & Fatah Central Committee member posted
this article Nov 2010 and there has been some delays
in making it available on
EsinIslam.Com.
However, following Mr. Erakat's direct contact with
EsinIslam.Com
articles of the Palestinian leader such as this can
now be assessed at this portal. Comments 💬 التعليقات |