Stuck in Area A: How We Were Duped into Disowning the Palestinians
07 May 2015
By Ramzy Baroud
Are you surprised that there has been little mobilisation to help Yarmouk,
the Palestinian refugee camp on the outskirts of Damascus, which is overrun
by militants, and besieged by the Syrian army? Palestinians – and Syrians –
there are killed in a myriad of ways, including starvation. As we stand and
watch in horror and confusion, they are quickly buried under the mounting
pressure of Facebook news feeds or Twitter's endless tweets.
I am not surprised. Even before Palestinian refugees found themselves
embroiled in Syria's conflict, I appealed to all parties involved, including
the Palestinian leaderships (alas, there are several) to spare the refugees
the burden of war, and for Palestinians to set their differences aside to
avoid a repeat of Lebanon, Kuwait and Iraq.
Nothing happened, as if recent history was of no consequence and offered no
lesson. Hamas was stuck in Gaza, in a real and figurative sense – its attempt
at regional politicking was a failure, and left it, like 1.7 million
refugees, reeling under siege. Mahmoud Abbas, his Palestinian Authority and
whatever branch of his Fatah party currently at the helm, is stuck in his
Area A – a supposedly self-governed region that constitutes about 3 percent
of the West Bank. While the Israeli army can still raid Area A, comprising
mostly of densely populated cities – arresting Palestinians at will – Abbas
is entrusted in managing the affairs of the Palestinians there, which should
have been an Israeli responsibility as an occupying power, under the Geneva
Area B, which is under joint security control between Israel and the PA,
consumed about 23-25 percent of the West Bank – comprised mostly of nearly
400 hundred Palestinian villages that are virtually under Israeli control.
But a whopping 72 percent of the West Bank is under Israeli control – that's
where the settlements are mostly located, and the Israeli military rules with
an iron fist.
While Israel sees the entirety of Palestine as its geographic domain, and the
whole Middle East region as its political and security domains, Abbas is
merrily stuck in Area A – 3 percent of the West Bank and less than one
percent of the total size of historic Palestine. Area A is his bread and
butter, his reason for existence as a ''President'' ruling over a population
trapped by Israeli walls and checkpoints, Israel-PA security coordination and
the humiliating need for a paycheck at the end of each month.
But while many of us were focused on discrediting Oslo and its defeatist
culture, we too are stuck in Area A. We cannot break free from reducing
Palestine and the Palestinian people and millions of Palestinian refugees to
Area A. We didn't do this out of malice, or because we don't care about
Yarmouk in Syria, Ein al-Hilweh in Lebanon or Baladiat in Iraq. As we
laboured to discredit Oslo, we had no unifying vision outside the confines of
Oslo, thus were trapped in its disempowering language and impossible
There is much history behind this, and I will try to spare you the details.
But an incident that took place over 10 years ago registered deeply in my
mind. At the time I was working for a human rights NGO in London when a man
with a distraught voice called our office. ''Help me, for Allah's sake,
please help me,'' he cried. Literally, he was weeping. My attempt to comfort
him failed. He called me using a borrowed cell phone from a rights worker at
a refugee camp between Iraq and Jordan. His two brothers were murdered in the
Palestinian Baladiat neighbourhood in Baghdad, one by the Shiite militias,
one by the Americans.
But when he attempted to seek safety in Jordan, the Jordanians denied him
entry. Palestinian refugees have a strange and most precious status,
irrelevant travel documents that make it extremely hard to travel. His papers
were the wrong kind. He was at the desert camp for too many months. I tried,
but could do nothing for him.
His problem, like that of the Yarmouk refugees, was that he fell out of
favour with politics, with geography, with any applicable human rights. As if
he fell out of favour with life altogether. The only relevant document was
the Right of Return for Palestinian refugees enshrined in UN Resolution 194.
The latter however is a document, cited generously by researchers and
activists, but carries no actual weight for the refugees of Baladiat – as
hundreds of them perished in the US invasion – or for the 18,000 refugees
still trapped in Damascus.
Yet the process of fragmenting Palestine is as old as the conflict, and has
been dictated largely by Israel, as many of us, including Israel's
detractors, followed suit, unaware that they are contributing to the very
process that is meant to marginalise numerous Palestinian communities.
When Israel occupied East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza, we spoke of
''Palestinian territories'' not Palestine. Progressively, Palestinians who
are citizens of Israel were dropped from the Palestinian and Arab political
discourse as if they ceased being Palestinian.
When Oslo was signed, we borrowed its deliberately despairing terminologies
and confusing geography and its Areas A, B and C.
We often learn about the existence of Palestinian villages that happened to
fall in the way of the Israeli Separation – read Apartheid – Wall, simply
because they fell in the way of the Israeli bulldozers defacing Palestinians
We speak of Gaza when Israel bombs Gaza. In fact, Gaza became central to the
Palestine discourse just after the Israeli siege in 2007. Prior to that it
was an addendum in a political language centred mostly on the West Bank,
primarily in Ramallah, the seat of the throne of Area A.
In other words, willingly or unwillingly, we are trapped in Israeli
definitions, some united at times by their love for Israel, others by their
loathing of Israel and its occupation, but all in agreement that Israel and
only Israel dictates our actions and reactions.
Thus when Palestinians are starved, beheaded or blown to smithereens in
Yarmouk, we stand puzzled. We offer sympathy, tears and little action. We
cannot even articulate a coherent discourse, aside from pulling out UN
Resolution 194 from some dusty archive to talk about the Right of Return, and
how the suffering in Yarmouk is ultimately Israel's responsibility. Proud of
our efforts, we carry on with life as if we saved the refugees, all at once,
with a single link to a UN website.
When Israel carried out its war on Gaza last summer, nearly 150,000 people
protested in London in another massive show of solidarity, duplicated in many
cities across the world. For Yarmouk, about 40 people showed up, an admirable
effort, but expressive of the fact that the refugees no longer exist at the
heart of the Palestine discourse.
In the constant attempt at exposing Israeli injustices against Palestinians,
most of us were duped into an Israeli-PA attempt at reducing Palestine to a
tiny margin of its actual physical and political spaces that extends from
Palestine – the entirety of Palestine – all across the Middle East, hovering
above Yarmouk, as it has for many years, without us noticing.
We are trapped in Area A, making an occasional crossover to Areas B and C,
only to get back to Area A, where it is relatively safe and easy to fathom
and explain. We are stuck behind Israeli walls and checkpoints as we are
failing to see the massive space that is Palestine, and the millions of
refugees still holding on to tattered deeds and rusty keys, since we promised
that that their Right of Return is paramount.
Did we lie? Were we lied to? It is more like we were duped into
pseudo-reality crafted so proficiently by Israel, and we are finding it
extremely difficult to break away from its confines.
But if our hate for the Israeli occupation, and our loathing of Israeli
policies are greater than our love for the Palestinians, all of them,
starting with the refugees dying in Yarmouk, then, perhaps it is time to
reconsider our understanding of, and relationship to, the conflict
- Ramzy Baroud – www.ramzybaroud.net – is an internationally-syndicated
columnist, a media consultant, an author of several books and the founder of
PalestineChronicle.com. He is currently completing his PhD studies at the
University of Exeter. His latest book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter:
Gaza's Untold Story (Pluto Press, London).