Hubris Puts Iran In Danger: Tehran's Series Of Bluffs Thanks To Obama's Weird Behavior
09 October 2015By Amir Taheri
Who was waiting in ambush for whom?
For the past few days, the question has been the spice of conversations in
political circles in Tehran.
One version, marketed by President Hassan Rouhani's entourage, is that last
Monday the US President Barrack Obama and his Secretary of State John Kerry
were lurking in the lobby of the United Nations in New York waiting for
Iran's Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif to arrive. When the latter did
emerge, the two Americans rushed towards him forcing him to shake hands with
them. Moments later, the Americans leaked the story, to the chagrin of
secretive Iranians.
Another version, marketed by the Iran-lobby in Washington, is that both sides
had planned an ''accidental meeting'' between Obama and Rouhani months ago.
It did not happen because Supreme Guide Ali Khamenei vetoed it.
In the end, however, Khamenei agreed that Zarif do the accidental meeting as
a gesture to Obama who has worked hard to advance Iranian interests in
Washington.
As Majlis member Ali Motahhari put it later, that was no big deal. Zarif had
shaken many hands at the UN, including that of the janitors. Giving Obama a
handshake was a small recognition of his brave fight against the US Congress
on behalf of Iran.
There is little doubt that both sides wanted the ''accidental'' encounter to
demonstrate their chumminess.
Obama is desperate to perpetuate the fiction that he has tamed revolutionary
Iran and, as he claimed the other day, made ''the world a safer place.''
If the Iran ''nuclear deal'' is exposed as a sham, which it certainly is,
Obama would look like the self-styled wizard in The Wizard of Oz – if not a
bad man, at least an incompetent magician.
For his part, Rouhani must salvage whatever he can of the ''nuclear deal''
which he has always presented as the crucial step towards normalization with
the ''outside world'' which every Iranian understands to mean the United
States.
He has described the ''deal'' as ''The greatest diplomatic victory in Islamic
history.'' (fath al-fotuh).
Rouhani has always maintained that the late Ayatollah Khomeini was wrong in
helping destroy Jimmy Carter's presidency.
Carter had been sympathetic to the mullahs from the start and had highlighted
his readiness for ''cooperation'' by sending National Security Adviser
Zbigniew Brzezinski to meet Khomeini's Premier Mehdi Bazargan with promises
of aid and arms deliveries. Khomeini responded by prolonging the captivity of
the US diplomats held hostage in Tehran, wrecking Carter's chances of
reelection.
Now, perhaps thanks to the Hidden Imam, the US has produced another Carter in
the person of Obama, a man who has bent over backwards to make a deal with
the Islamic Republic, giving the mullahs a chance of a lifetime to pursue
their ambitions unchecked by any major power.
With Obama's support, Rouhani hopes to reenergize Iran's moribund economy,
consolidate the Rafsanjani faction's positions internally and, hopefully,
capture the Islamic Majlis and the Assembly of Experts in next spring's
elections.
This is how Sadegh Zibakalam, one of Rouhani's intellectual advisors puts it:
''Fortunately, Mr. Rouhani does not think that the Western Civilization is
headed for decline and fall. He doesn't want to export revolution, nor does
he believe that the future of mankind depends on Iranian or Islamic
civilization. He doesn't regard the denial of the Holocaust as a historic
mission for Islamic Iran. Not only has he waved the olive branch to America
but, since his election two years ago, he has not even once called for the
destruction of Israel.''
Zibakalam's comment on Rouhani's approach to the ''Israel question'' comes in
the wake of reports that a former Islamic Republic minister who served under
former presidents Hashemi Rafsanjani and Muhammad Khatami has met two Israeli
representatives in Cyprus for ''exploratory talks.''
The problem is that chumminess with the US may be leading Rouhani and his
faction, led by Rafsanjani, into a fantasy world fueled by hubris. They now
behave as if they are the anointed ''regional superpower'' backed by Obama.
Signs of hubris are already there.
Rouhani and Zarif, their egos inflated by the belief that they now have the
United Sates on their side, have made disparaging remarks about several
nations.
Rouhani has boasted that Iraq was saved from the Islamic State of Iraq and
Syria (ISIS) thanks to Iranian military support.
''If our armed forces were not there, Da'esh would have already been in
Baghdad,'' he claimed, using the Arabic acronym for the group. ''It was us
who saved Samarra and Baghdad and drove Da'esh away from Karbala.''
Leaving aside that ISIS was never close to Karbala and that Iran had nothing
to do with the defense of Samarra or Baghdad, Rouhani forgets that Iraq, a
nation of 30 million, might resent being insulted by a foreign mullah.
Rouhani mocks Iraq as ''a place once regarded as the most powerful Arab
state.'' ''Now look at it, ''he says. ''Look at its pitiful state!''
Rouhani also claims that Iranian forces saved Syria. He forgets that Syria is
far from saved; in fact it is ravaged partly because of Iranian support for
Bashar Al-Assad.
Drunk on hubris prompted by the illusion of American support, Rouhani even
offers to send Iranian troops to ''protect Mecca and Medina'' as if the Saudi
government and nation did not exist.
His politicization of the Hajj tragedy may have been inspired by a desire to
counterbalance his growing dependence on Washington by appearing more
''revolutionary'' than Khamenei.
In any case, Rouhani's statement was a mistake, angering even Shi'ite
leadership in Najaf.
Even Turkey is not spared. Rouhani's government has closed frontiers and
advised Iranians not to travel to Turkey because of ''violence and
instability'' there.
''Iran is the only island of stability in the region,'' Rouhani boasted in
meeting with Austrian President Heinz Fischer.
Rouhani is not alone in being afflicted by hubris. His adviser Ayatollah Ali
Yunesi claims that for the first time since the Arab Invasion, Bagdad is
''back in Iranian orbit''.
Former Foreign Minister Ali-Akbar Velayati asserts that Tehran ''shall under
no circumstances allow Bashar Al-Assad to fall,'' as if the Syrian were an
employee of the Islamic Republic and as if the Syrian people had no say in
who they want as their president.
Velyatai also says that former Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi fell because
''he didn't listen to our Supreme Guide'' who had advised the Muslim
Brotherhood to ''purge the Egyptian army and create a new force modelled on
the Islamic Revolutionary Guard.''
Rafsanjani goes further, claiming that ''those who govern Iraq are our
people.'' He specifically names former Iraqi President Jalal Talabani as
''one who always worked for us.''
Ayatollah Javadi Amoli uses word play to mock Iraq. ''Iraq has become owraq,''
he chuckles. (owraq means shattered Persian.)
Zarif dismisses Pakistan as ''irrelevant, in spite of its nuclear arsenal.''
The party of hubris also mocks the diplomats and businessmen from Europe and
elsewhere coming to Tehran as ''supplicants paying tribute to the power of
Islamic Iran.''
The image reminds Iranians of stone-carvings in Persepolis depicting envoys
of subject-nations coming to kiss the feet of the Persian King of Kings.
The fact is that Europeans and others are coming to secure contracts in case
Iran regains control of its oil revenues, something that is far from certain.
Rouhani's presidency started with a series of bluffs. Thanks to Obama's weird
behavior, a layer of hubris has been added to the sediment of those bluffs.
For reasons hard to fathom, Rouhani likes to present himself as ''moderate''.
To live up to that claim he should start by moderating his language and the
language of his associates.
Hubris is a sin and pride is a prelude to fall.
Amir Taheri was born in Ahvaz, southwest Iran, and educated in Tehran, London
and Paris. He was Executive Editor-in-Chief of the daily Kayhan in Iran
(1972-79). In 1980-84, he was Middle East Editor for the Sunday Times. In
1984-92, he served as member of the Executive Board of the International Press
Institute (IPI). Between 1980 and 2004, he was a contributor to the
International Herald Tribune. He has written for the Wall Street Journal, the
New York Post, the New York Times, the London Times, the French magazine
Politique Internationale, and the German weekly Focus. Between 1989 and 2005, he
was editorial writer for the German daily Die Welt. Taheri has published 11
books, some of which have been translated into 20 languages. He has been a
columnist for Asharq Alawsat since 1987. Taheri's latest book "The Persian
Night" is published by Encounter Books in London and New York.
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