Rohingya vs the Generals: How To Forge A Democracy And Get Away With It
05 December 2015
By Ramzy Baroud
Writing in the New York Times in an article entitled ''Myanmar generals set
the stage for their own exit,'' Thomas Fuller expressed his and the media's
failure to recognise the total fraud that is Myanma democracy.
''The official results are still being tabulated,'' he wrote, ''but all signs
so far point to that rarest of things: an authoritarian government peacefully
giving up power after what outside election monitors have deemed a credible
Fuller, who said nothing about the persecuted Rohingya minority and little
about the other millions of Myanma who were denied the chance to vote, only
managed to contribute to the seemingly baffling media euphoria about the
country's alleged democracy.
Reporting from Myanmar Timothy McLaughlin dealt with the Rohingya subject
directly. However, he offered a misleading sentiment that the oppressed
minority, which was excluded from the vote, can see a ''glimmer of hope'' in
the outcome of the elections.
According to results, the National League for Democracy (NLD), under the
leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi, has won a stunning victory over its rivals in
the ruling party, by garnering 348 seats, in contrast with only 40 seats
obtained by the military-controlled party that has ruled Myanmar since 1962.
There is no real basis for that supposed ''glimmer of hope,'' aside from a
non-binding statement made by NLD official Win Htein that the Citizenship Act
of 1982 ''must be reviewed'' — an Act which served as the basis for
discrimination against the Rohingya.
Win Htein's comments are non-committal, at best. At worst they are
The Citizenship Act ''must be reviewed because it is too extreme … [we must]
review that law and make necessary amendments so that we consider those
people who are already in our country, maybe second generation, so they will
be considered as citizens,'' he told Reuters.
His comments promote the myth that the well over one million Rohingya are
''Bengalis'' who came to Myanmar only recently as hapless immigrants.
While Myanmar, like many other countries in the region, has its fair share of
immigrants, the fact is that most Rohingya Muslims are native to the state of
''Rohang'' (originally a kingdom in itself), officially known as Rakhine or
Over the years, especially in the late 19th century and early 20th century,
the original inhabitants of Arakan were joined by cheap or forced labourers
from Bengal and India, who permanently settled there.
For decades, tension has brewed between Buddhists and Muslims in the region.
Eventually, the majority, backed by a military junta, prevailed over the
minority which had no serious regional or international backers.
A rising tide of Buddhist nationalism has reached genocidal levels in recent
years and is targeting not only Rohingya Muslims but also Christian and other
minority groups in the country.
The Rohingya population of Arakan, estimated at nearly 800,000, subsist
between the nightmare of having no legal status (as they are still denied
citizenship), little or no rights and the occasional ethnic purges carried
out by their neighbours.
While Buddhists also paid a price for the clashes, the stateless Rohingya,
being isolated and defenceless, were the ones to carry the heaviest death
toll and destruction.
Writing in the Ecologist, Nafeez Ahmed cited alarming new findings conducted
last October by the International State Crime Initiative at Queen Mary
University in London, which ''found that the Rohingya … face 'the final
stages of a genocidal process.'
''Leaked government documents show that plans to inflict 'mass annihilation'
have been prepared at the highest levels,'' he wrote.
Not only did the elections disempower and further alienate the Rohingya but
they also empowered political groups that have openly sought the ''mass
annihilation'' of the defenceless minority, most of whom are living in abject
poverty within closed refugee camps, while thousands have perished at sea in
a bid to escape the violence.
One of these nationalist groups is the Arakan National Party (ANP), which has
incited and enacted violent pogroms against the Rohingya for years.
In fact, ethnically cleansing the Rohingya is a main rallying cry for a group
which now has a democratically elected 29 national level representatives in
Rakhine and is also in ''decisive control of the state's regional assembly,''
according to Reuters.
The sad fact is that much of the reporting on the Myanmar elections stoked
false hope that a democracy has finally prevailed in that country and either
brushed over or completely ignored the plight of the Rohingya altogether.
But how could anyone with a reasonable degree of knowledge of the political,
constitutional and historical context of the November elections ignore the
major discrepancies of the army-championed style of ''Discipline Flourishing
Democracy'' programme announced in August 2003 by General Khin Nyunt?
Myanmar's generals have organised every facet of their sham democratic
campaign since the early 1990s so that they give an illusion of democracy
while retaining power.
When the outcome of the 1990 elections did not work in their favour, they
crushed their opponents and placed the leaders of the NLD under house arrests
This action, however, cost them international isolation outside the domain of
China and a few Association of South-East Asian Nations countries.
For years, the generals learned how to craft a system that would allow them
to rule the country, while making symbolic gestures to meet the West's
half-hearted condition of democratisation and pluralism.
The most recent elections have been, by far, the most successful of the
generals' democracy schemes in recent years.
This clever scheme is rooted partly in the 2008 Constitution, ''which
elevates core interests of the military (such as the military budget,
appointments, business conglomerates and security matters) above the law and
parliamentary oversight,'' wrote Maung Zarni in the Guardian.
According to the controversial constitution, ''the military serves as the
ultimate custodian with the power to discipline any elected government or MP
who dares to stray from the military's chosen path and its definition of
In fact, just last June, the military defeated an attempt by parliamentarians
to rescind its veto power.
This is why the military retains the upper hand in the country, regardless of
who wins or loses the elections.
By reserving for itself a quarter of the seats in parliament, the military
will continue to enjoy a veto power.
Then why is there all this excitement about Myanma democracy? Simple — the
rivalry between China, the United States and their respective allies have
reached a point where the massive amount of untapped wealth of oil and
natural gas in Myanmar can no longer be ignored.
The US, Britain and other countries are salivating at the limitless potential
of economic opportunities in that country, estimated at ''3.2 billion barrels
of oil and 18 trillion cubic feet of natural gas reserves.''
According to a British government report, under the theme a ''hotspot for
exploration,'' Myanmar's ''unproven resources may be vastly greater.''
With Myanmar climbing to the world top five countries in terms of proven oil
and gas reserves, terms such as genocides, military juntas and human rights
are abruptly and largely omitted from the new discourse.
Indeed, a whole new narrative is being conveniently drafted, written jointly
by the Myanma army, nationalist parties, Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD, Western
investors and anyone else who stands to benefit from the treasures of one of
the world's worst human rights violators.
– Dr. Ramzy Baroud has a PhD in Palestine Studies from the University of
Exeter. He has been writing about the Middle East for over 20 years. He is an
internationally-syndicated columnist, a media consultant, an author of
several books and the founder of PalestineChronicle.com. His books include
'Searching Jenin', 'The Second Palestinian Intifada' and his latest 'My
Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story'. Visit his website: