Turkey As A Model For A New Mideast: Amidst The Tsunami Of Change Sweeping Arab Shores
22 March 2011By Dr. Bouthaina Shaaban
Amidst the tsunami of social change sweeping Arab
shores, French President Nicolas Sarkozy made a
landmark visit to Turkey. He has always refused to
visit Turkey, and had publicly declared his opposition
to ‘Muslim' Turkey joining ‘Christian' Europe — as he
sees them. He visited it only this once as a leader of
the G20 and stayed for only six hours. He arrived
there chewing gum; and met Prime Minister Recep Tayyib
Erdogan sitting cross-legged all the while.
What is extraordinary about this event is the
calculated and calibrated Turkish response to this
western patronising and arrogance. The response was
characteristic of Turkey which, with its democratic
system, Islamic character, pluralistic democratic
government, the power sharing, the rule of law in a
Muslim society, the pride and wisdom of its leaders
who reject any form of subordination or submission,
has become an inspiration to Arab peoples.
The news story was accompanied by a photograph showing
Erdogan standing on top of the stairs, a sphinx of
pride and dignity, while Sarkozy extended his hand
from below.
Erdogan looked very much unlike some other leaders who
shake and kiss hands stained with the blood of their
brothers in Palestine, Iraq and Lebanon and kiss, with
humility, the hands and cheeks of secretaries of state
of countries threatening Arab countries, blockading
their brothers in Gaza and funding colonisation and
occupation in Palestine.
In order to drive the message home, Erdogan's gift to
Sarkozy was a letter written by the Ottoman Sultan
Sulaiman the Magnificent in 1526, in response to a
plea from the ‘Christian' king of France, Francis I,
when he fell prisoner to ‘Christian' Spaniards, asking
for the assistance of the Ottoman state. Sulaiman
assured him that he would save him; and indeed, the
Sultan sent a military force which freed him.
Sarkozy, who repeats his opposition to Turkey's
accession to the European Union, no doubt needed a
reminder of a civilised conduct which befits the
history and status of Turkey and its tolerant Islamic
values in contrast with shameful Islamophobia in
Europe.
We all still remember Erdogan's defence of the dignity
of his people, when Israeli soldiers killed, in cold
blood, unarmed Turkish activists on the Mavi Marmara,
part of the aid flotilla en route to breaking the
blockade on Gaza. We also remember his dignified anger
in Davos when he withdrew from a panel chaired by
David Ignatius, when the latter refused to let him
speak and gave the floor to Israeli President Shimon
Peres instead.
This Turkish-French news story, with its small
gestures but significant implications, is of interest
to us, Arabs, at this critical historical juncture. It
is an expression of the maturity of the political
institutions and the energy of those running them
because they are in touch with their people and their
confidence that the people support them through a
democratic process. Compare this with the performance
of Arab officialdom and you see the waste in Arab
energy, capabilities, institutions, resources and
heritage.
When nations achieve progress, it usually covers all
areas of life and knowledge. The same is true of
backwardness. Take, for example, the Arab awakening at
the beginning of the 20th century, when it was
accompanied by free media, proliferation of political
parties which were associated with the struggle for
freedom from colonialism and despotism. It coincided
with building schools and universities, women's
liberation and a revival of art and culture.
Today, too, we see that progress and stagnation never
meet in the same country. When one of them prevails,
it covers all areas of life. At this historic moment,
we can see similarities between most Arab countries,
most importantly the weakness of their official
political institutions, particularly the absence of
young people in these institutions. There are even no
venues for them to express their views and
aspirations, except the streets in which they
demonstrate to make their voice heard.
The revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia, now spreading to
other Arab countries, have shown that existing
government institutions are governed, in terms of
structure and personnel, by the mentality of the
Middle Ages, and the most advanced among them date
back to the middle of the last century. This alienates
future generations and deprives state institutions of
the energy and vitality of youth and their enthusiasm
for building and creativity.
It caused a near paralysis in the political,
administrative and knowledge systems. Societies should
mobilise the creative powers of every generation and
the best competencies and make the best use of
university outputs to build a better homeland for
everyone, not only for a small elite.
And that is why Arab regimes have failed to remedy
weaknesses in government institutions and keep abreast
with creativity and progress in the fields of
management, economics and politics.
These events have also exposed the weaknesses of basic
and university education and the weak, or
non-existent, links between universities and the
labour market. That is why students leave universities
either to join the unemployed or immigrate.
Intellectuals have also been alienated both from each
other and from the suffering and aspirations of the
people; so, culture stopped being a factor empowering
national dignity. The same weaknesses have also spread
to the media, the legal system and elsewhere to
destroy trust between regimes and peoples.
The list of weakness indicators goes on and on, but it
can be summed up in the weakness of regimes which have
not developed since independence from foreign powers.
These countries have been run through different
political systems; but the common denominator is the
absence of political institutions which rejuvenate
themselves through new blood and innovative ideas.
What Turkey has done in the past two decades was
laying the foundations for a national democracy where
the whole of Turkey — government and people — reap the
benefits and where all play the role of faithful
soldiers and builders of this status. This is what
Arabs must learn in order to rid their countries of
backwardness, stagnation, oppression and unrest.
Prof. Bouthaina Shaaban is Political and Media
Advisor at the Syrian Presidency, and former Minister
of Expatriates. She is also a writer and professor at
Damascus University since 1985. She's got Ph.D. in
English Literature from Warwick University, London.
She was the spokesperson for Syria. She was nominated
for Nobel Peace Prize in 2005.
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