18 January 2017
By Eyad Abu Shakra
Northern Syria seems to have become a focal point for regional and global
players as questions are raised about its future after the handing over of
Aleppo.
The town of Al-Bab has become a battle ground, murderous explosions are
shaking the town of Azaz, and international alliances are strained and
threatened by intersecting and opposing blood-stained ethnic projects, namely
a 'Kurdish Homeland' and a 'Turkish Safe Haven'.
Current developments there have brought back memories that are a few decades
old. It was during the worst days of the Lebanese War that two couples of
progressive intellectuals sought a temporary refuge in my serene mountain
village from the gales of extremism blowing on the war-torn country. The two
couples had to leave their homes for ideological reasons, but no sooner had
they crossed the 'Green Line' dividing Christian East Beirut from Muslim West
Beirut that they became under fatal sectarian danger.
Luckily, however, there were some 'oases' of tolerance and diversity still
left in the country, like my village, in which they had friends who were
extremely happy to welcome and accommodate them until the worst was over.
During their sojourn, one of the two ladies was applying the final touches to
her PhD dissertation about Syria's political history under the guidance of her
husband, a prominent academic. From then on, ever since I had a look at some
of the original documents she kept with her, my deep interest in Syria's
history and anthropology got much deeper.
I remember well how I was fascinated by the local urban, rural and tribal
elites which made up the Syrian Parliament, including of course those of
Aleppo Province. In those days, Aleppo Province was much larger than what it
is now as the present Idlib Province was still part of it. Thus, it stretched
along Turkey's southern borders from Ayn Al-Arab (Kobani) going west to Azaz
and Afrin, then south all the way to Ma'arret Al-Nu'man, including Harem, Kfar
Takharim, Idlib and Jisr Al-Shughour.
In turn, the composition of the Syrian Parliament was almost a 'Who's Who' of
the notables, clan and tribal chiefs, such as the MPs from Ibralim Pasha Al-Melli's
tribe in Ayn Al-Aran and Jarablous, Sheikh Dhiab Al-Mashi, who was famous for
being the longest serving parliamentarian in the Arab world, as he was the MP
from Manbij for 55 years (between 1954 and 2009). As for the cities, led of
course by Aleppo itself, its seats reflected the politico-economic city life
dominated by the rivalry between the later dominant People's Party (led by
Rushdi Al-Kikhia, Dr Nazem Al-Qudsi, Ma'rouf Al-Dawalibi, Rashad Barmada,
Mistafa Barmada and Ahmad Qanbar) and the remnants of the National Party (led
by Sa'dallah Al-Jaberi, Dr Abdul Rahman Al-Kayyali and Michail Lian).
Evidently, commercial interests in Syria's two great metropolises Damascus and
Aleppo expressed themselves in the political leanings and loyalties of the two
bourgeois 'elite-led' parties. Straddling the trade route connecting Baghdad
and Istanbul, Aleppo's interests were thus tied up to the Baghdad-Istanbul
'axis', and consequently its dominant party became identified with the Baghdad
Pact (later CENTO) during the Cold War. On the opposite side, Damascus was the
political and economic pole in the south, lying on the trade routes between
Arabia and Egypt, thus the pro Riyadh-Cairo 'axis' National Party was the more
powerful here.
Back to the north, throughout the 20th century the richly diverse communities
of northern Syria, Arab and non-Arab, Jewish, Christian and Muslim of various
sects lived in peace and harmony. No noteworthy discrimination existed between
Orthodox or Catholic Christian Arabs and Christian Armenians and Jacobite
Syriacs. The same was true among Arab Muslims whether Sunni, Shi'ite, Alawite,
Ismaili or Druze; and Sunni Arabs, Kurds and Turkmen.
Issues of ethnic-based partition or secession were never raised, in fact the
opposite was true when most Syrians of all faiths and persuasions opposed
annexing the Syrian 'Liwa' of Alexandretta to Turkey (present Hatay Province).
In short, despite the beautiful diversity in this area, one the world's
richest in history, almost all were convinced that what united them was far
more important than what would set them apart.
Alas, what we see today is quite different. Many of 'The Defenders of the
Homeland' as mentioned in Syria's national anthem have been willing to destroy
their 'Homeland' and tear apart its social and ethnic fabric. The 'secular',
later 'socialist secular', ruling Ba'th which for a while claimed to rise
above sectarianism, and fight for the rights of the peasantry ridding them of
'the yoke of feudalism', has been transformed into a flimsy cover concealing a
monopolistic sectarian and clannish 'mafia' crushing its own people with the
help of 'imported' confessional militias and even foreign regular armies.
As for the much-trumpeted 'nationalist' slogans which were supposed to bring
people together, they became so 'chauvinist' to the extent of alienating
non-Arab minorities, hence, encouraging unhealthy isolationist and
secessionist aspirations in several places throughout northern Syria.
As a result, the weekly published maps showing the various sectors controlled
by different armed groups, give the impression that northern Syria is heading
towards the unknown. Indeed, thanks to Barack Obama's concentration solely on
''downgrading'' ISIS, Washington has set out its 'constants' in Syria, which
are:
1- Preventing the
Syrian Opposition from acquiring the weapons they have been demanding for
years.
2-
Refusing all Syrian and Turkish demands of 'No Fly Zones' and 'Safe Havens'.
3- Siding with and aiding
secessionist Kurdish militias, despite Ankara's protests.
'Constants' like these are bound, logically, to cause the current state of
loss and uncertainty we see throughout Syria, but more so in the north.
The regime and its allies, clearly emboldened by America's inaction and Iran's
and Russia's direct support, are now on the attack. While Turkey, the old Cold
War US ally has been let down and left in the cold. Finally, the Kurds think
that Washington has provided them with a unique opportunity to fulfil their
ambitious nationalist dream.
The massive explosion in Azaz yesterday was nothing but a 'new message' to
Ankara written in blood, after the Istanbul New Year's Eve and the Izmir
attacks. Furthermore, the bogged down 'Shield of the Euphrates' operation
around Al-Bab confirms the existence of serious differences between regional
and global powers in northern Syria, firstly, regarding 'Useful Syria',
secondly, the Kurdish Homeland', and thirdly, the price extricated from Turkey
and Iran in order to keep the Kurds, while we the Arabs are nowhere to be
seen!
Eyad Abu Shakra is the managing editor of Asharq Al-Awsat. He has been with
the newspaper since 1978.
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