Iran: Speaking Swedish, Acting North Korean - The New Khomeinist Regime's Ideological Emptiness
17 February 2018By Amir Taheri
For the past decade February, part of which coincides with the month of Bahman
on the Iranian calendar, has been marked by febrile political activities in
Iran under the Khomeinist regime. February 1 marks the anniversary of the late
ayatollah's return to Tehran after 16 years in exile. And February 11,
regarded as the crescendo of the Iranian Revolution, marks the day that
Shapour Bakhtiar, the last Prime Minister to be named by the Shah, went into
hiding, leaving a vacuum quickly filled by Khomeini's supporters visibly
surprised by the ease with which they had won power.
There were no revolutionary battles, no dramatic ups-and-downs, and, on a
personal level, no opportunity for heroic shenanigans.
The Khomeinist revolution took around four months to achieve victory, not long
enough to allow a lot of people to conjure a heroic biography for themselves.
Just a year before the "final victory" on 11 February some of the mullahs who
emerged as grandees of the revolution, among them Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati who
now heads the all-powerful Council of Guardians of the Islamic Constitution,
were kissing the Shah's hands during audiences for clerics. Other grandees of
the revolution like Hojat al-Islam Morteza Motahari were on Empress Farah's
payroll as members of the "philosophical" boutique she had set up as solace
from boredom.
The revolution had not lasted long enough to establish its ideological colors.
Pro-Soviet Communists along with kindred Maoists, Castroists, Trotskyites, and
Titoists believed that this was their revolution, as did veteran Mossadeqists,
westernized Third-Worldists, and mullahs of all shapes and sizes.
For the first year the ideological vacuum was filled with the drama around the
seizing of American diplomats as hostages.
Once the embassy hostage drama had become as a boring as a second-rate TV soap
opera, Iraqi despot Saddam Hussein rode to the rescue by invading Iran,
helping fill the new Khomeinist regime's ideological emptiness.
In the first two years, the new regime kept the revolutionary temperature up
by mass executions, purges of the military and civil service, the squandering
of human lives in ineffective maneuvers on the battlefields of Iraq, and the
assassination of men that Khomeini regarded as potential threats to his hold
on power. Using the Lebanese branch of Hezbollah to seize Western hostages
added spice to the bland dish the mullahs served.
With the end of the war and Khomeini's death, the new regime found itself
ideologically naked. Then "Jihad" against the United States was formally
adopted as the regime's core ideology.
In that context, adopting an anti-Israeli position was inevitable, if only
tangentially. The mullahs forgot that Israel had smuggled arms to them to
fight Saddam Hussein, and, in an act of gargantuan ingratitude, called for the
"elimination of the Zionist entity."
Once the anti-American and anti-Israel themes were established the regime
tried to weave a cobweb of ideological mumbo-jumbo around them.
Under Ali Khamenei, the Islamic Republic launched annual seminars with such
titles as "The End of America" and "A World Without Israel."
It also provided an annual platform, always in February, for Holocaust deniers
from all over the world. Special prizes were offered for anti-Semitic
cartoons, posters, photos, and sculpture.
By 2013 Foreign Minister Muhammad-Javad Zarif could claim that the Islamic
Republic was scoring one success after another in "exporting" its culture,
whatever that meant.
The new administration of President Hassan Rouhani felt confident that, thanks
to support from US President Barack Obama, the Khomeinist regime could talk
like Sweden but act like North Korea.
However, it seems that the arrival on the scene of an unknown quantity named
Donald J Trump has confused the mullahs, forcing them to ponder whether it is
still possible to hoodwink the Americans and the rest of the world while
pursuing repression in Iran and destabilizing policies abroad.
Strictly speaking Trump hasn't yet done anything concrete against the mullahs
apart from expressing sympathy with recent mass protests in Iran.
However, the fact that Trump has kept the mullahs guessing about his
intentions has already impacted their behavior.
To start with Tehran has ended provocative naval acts in the Strait of Hormuz
and its environs, winning praise from the Pentagon. Throughout the Obama
presidency the Iranian navy operated "swarming sorties" against US naval units
in the region with small speedboats approaching American battleships like so
many gnats trying to sting an elephant.
Under Trump, however, the "gnats" are keeping away from the American elephant.
In another register, Tehran has also shelved its annual "End of America" and
"A World Without Israel" shows.
Zarif has issued a few dozen visas for professional Holocaust deniers and
anti-Americans, mostly from Europe and the US, but their comings-and-goings is
to be kept away from the limelight.
More importantly, perhaps, the Khomeinist regime, which has not passed a
single day without holding some foreign hostages, has not seized any new
American hostages.
The most high-profile hostages still held are dual nationals who had lobbied
in the US for the Islamic Republic under the control of Obama's special
adviser Ben Rhodes.
In a bid to counter Trump's chest-beating about human rights in Iran, the
mullahs acted out of character when they chose not to massacre people in the
streets during the recent nationwide uprising.
More interestingly, all regime grandees, including Khamenei himself, dwelling
on the "benefits of protest and criticism in Islam," have donned their fake
Swedish mask, hiding the North Korean face behind it.
At regional level, too, the mullahs are trying to talk Swedish.
They muse on reducing their footprint in Syria, claiming that they have
already won the war for their protégé Bashar al-Assad.
And last Sunday, Defense Minister General Amir Hatami even offered to give
Afghanistan military aid to fight ISIS and its groups installed there.
The next issue on which I expect Tehran to start singing Swedish concerns
Trump's demand for renegotiating the nuclear "deal", concocted by Obama.
The initial tune from Tehran was a "No! No! Nannette" number! with a harsh
North Korean accent. Recently, however, I hear a "May be baby!" number with a
soft Swedish accent.
Amir Taheri was the executive editor-in-chief of the daily Kayhan in Iran
from 1972 to 1979. He has worked at or written for innumerable publications,
published eleven books, and has been a columnist for Asharq Al-Awsat since
1987
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