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16 December 2009 By Reason Wafawarova IT is most telling that the lifting of economic
sanctions by Western powers and the commitment to
re-engage Zimbabwe have become issues explicitly
hinged to the often demanded "reforms" on the part of
Zanu-PF, a party considered to be grossly recusant to
the imperial establishment. The facade of the demanded reforms can be anything
depending on the person that is speaking and also the
time and place. It can be as abstract as saying until "Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his party have real
power", or as trivial as demanding that Roy Bennett be
sworn in as a deputy minister, or as meaningless as
"until President Mugabe creates genuine democratic
space", or even as stupid as saying, "until the white
commercial farmers get their stolen properties back". It does not matter that the face of this reform may
be some articulate demand for the "respect of human
rights" or "the opening up of media space" in
Zimbabwe. The underlying reality is that the West will regard
"real power" for Tsvangirai as power that can rid
Zimbabwe of Zanu-PF and President Mugabe. When they demand the swearing in of Roy Bennett
they are simply making implicit racial noise that
would send the country in raucous anger if it were
said openly. It wouldn’t do to say, "how dare you refuse to
swear in a white ex-commercial farmer as if the
upsetting of the global racial order you did in 2000
was not bad enough?" Genuine democratic space means space good enough to
allow the annihilation of Zanu-PF and its proletarian
outlook. This writer has been confronted with the question
of what he would do "after Mugabe and all the war
veterans are dead". Some have said that would be their time to come
with their "powerful Westerners" and drag this writer
by the ear all the way to The Hague. The logic is that this writer is well too protected
by President Mugabe and the war veterans even when he
is 14 000 km away from home. There is basically no need to bother issuing empty
threats to the likes of this writer, essentially
because that is tantamount to threatening ideas. What is hated about Zimbabwe’s war veterans and
their patron, President Mugabe is not their person per
se, but the ideas they stand for. These are ideas for the freedom, dignity, justice
and happiness for the people of Zimbabwe, mainly the
proletariat. All developing nations are not happy with imperial
oppression and domination, they are not happy about
the colonial legacy, about neo-colonialism, about
class exploitation and about the rule of imperial
authority. These ideas resonate very well with voice of
resistance in Venezuela, in Cuba, in Iran, Bolivia,
Nicaragua, Namibia and even in capitalist
post-apartheid South Africa. These are immortal ideas joining with the
invincible voice of Fidel Castro, the immortal voice
of Che Guevara, the ever-inspiring teachings of Julius
Nyerere, the fighting spirit of Samora Machel, the
fatherly spirit of Joshua Nkomo, and the endurance of
Nelson Mandela. The idea of freedom and happiness for the
proletariat of this world sparks a disturbance in the
forces of occupation in this world. Imperialism is about occupation — economic
occupation, cultural occupation, political occupation
and of course, whenever necessary — military
occupation. Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector was well occupied
imperially prior to 2000 and the occupation forces
were pushed out triumphantly by people power. It is
such ideas from which Zanu-PF is being called to
reform, otherwise sanctions will remain. We are told that Chinese investment is less
civilised than Western investment, and also that the
Chinese invest in places with "rogue regimes". This is
the political language we are too used to. We must
endorse the opinion of the far-sighted Westerners, and
this is why Chinese investment is less than righteous,
and this is why Zanu-PF is the "undemocratic side" of
the GPA coin in Zimbabwe. The Western sponsored MDC-T is the "democratic
side" of that coin. This is the voice that must be heard when one talks
"freedom of speech". Democratic theorists have long observed that in a
society where the voice of the people is heard, it is
important that the powerful elites ensure that the
voice says the right things. This is why the question "What are you doing in
Australia if imperialism is so bad?" must be so
sensible. One living in the West enjoys unrestrained freedom
of speech, but that voice must be saying the right
things, or else one becomes eligible for Nazi status,
or is accused of supporting "murderous regimes", a
charge that can take one to The Hague, if the threats
often directed at this writer are anything to go by. The historical fact is that Che Guevara was cut
down by imperialist bullets under the Bolivian skies,
just like Samora Machel was brutally gunned down from
the skies of apartheid South Africa. And yet for those
in the resistance the reality is that Che is not dead,
Samora is not dead, Patrice Lumumba is not dead, and
Thomas Sankara is not dead. No one can shoot ideas; you cannot assassinate
ideas, and you cannot bury dead bodies with ideas. Zanu-PF is not just a bunch of men and women who
sit in its Central Committee and Politburo. It is not contained in the life of President Mugabe. It is an idea — an immortal idea that led so many
people to leave families and loved ones to go into the
trenches in order to defeat the colonial demon, and
bring dignity and freedom for the people of Zimbabwe. That idea is immortal and far superior to any
legendary war veteran we can name. It does not matter
that there are some hopeless people in Zanu-PF
echelons of power. Even they cannot kill the revolutionary idea. The
idea is like a seed. It can germinate from the heart
of one man and blossom into a revolutionary forest. This why Samora Machel is not dead to some of us;
Josiah Tongogara is not dead, Joshua Nkomo is not
dead. These people are an embodiment of revolutionary
ideas, of self-sacrifice, and they are not dead. There will always be a fearless youth — youth
thirsty for dignity, thirsty for courage, thirst for
ideas and for the vitality that symbolises the African
legacy, the legacy for total liberation and full
economic emancipation. This is the inspiration this writer has — that the
struggle will never falter for as long as the
domination of our homeland is not done away with. Being a 19-year-old at the death of Machel, and
only 20 when Thomas Sankara was tragically cut down,
that seed to free Africa sank in the heart of this
writer — never to die but to be passed on to younger
generations until freedom comes. Today we seek to drink from the life-giving source
of the revolutionary heritage — that of Zimbabwe and
that of Africa. These men who departed from our midst were mere men
— but men who knew how to show and educate our people
the idea that we could have confidence in ourselves —
confidence in our own abilities. These men live among us through these ideas. Che Guevara was one who had the good fortune to be
born into a well-off Argentine family — yet he knew
how to turn his back on the easy road. He knew how to say no to those temptations that
make many of our people fall head over hills for
Western glitters. Guevara showed himself to be a man who could make
common cause with the people and the suffering of
others. Che’s demanding character stands in contrast to the
character of greedy and corrupt sharks that litter our
African revolution today. They know how to sloganeer and how to make cheap
and populist statements, but their hearts and souls
are stuck in the sweetness of filthy lucre. To them, the revolution is about amassing wealth
and having protruding tummies and swelling hips. However, the revolutionary idea teaches us
conviction, human compassion, a demanding character,
and this makes us revolutionaries among
revolutionaries, men among men — from that we swear
never to depart. The images of Guevara, that of Castro, Mugabe,
Nkomo, Nkrumah and many other African sons of the
revolution will never depart from us. They are part of our history, just as images.
Imperialism seeks to destroy not these images but the
spirit in the cadres. Those who wish for the death of Zanu-PF are not
after the images and bodies of politicians running the
affairs of this party. They are after the spirit and the idea that drives
this party — a party that has disturbed the world
order that the West would call a democratic society;
in reality a society of Western client states that pay
homage to imperial authority. Zimbabwe’s GPA and inclusive Government cannot be
said to be a uniting phenomenon if it fails to
recognise the legacy of our liberation struggle — that
eternal romanticism, the power of youth, so fresh and
invigorating; this lucidity, this wisdom, and this
dedication that only profound and passionate
revolutionaries can have. We must cherish the energy of youth and the wisdom
of old age — put them together and forever cherish
this judicious combination. Our hearts must lead us to vigorous action for the
betterment of our nation and we must immortalise the
ideas left by those who sacrificed their lives for the
liberation that brought us this democracy we so much
enjoy today, even as we feel free to declare that
there is no such thing as democracy in Zimbabwe. We can be free to differ in political opinion, but
no one should ever have the freedom to embrace
imperialism on behalf of all others. The duty to defend Zimbabwe’s national interest is
straitjacket calling with no ambiguity. Our legacy is that Zimbabwe is for Zimbabweans and
will always assume that status in the family of
nations. From that we cannot depart, and any struggle that
teaches lap dog politics is a vain struggle that
deserves no tolerance. |