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26 August 2010 By Stephen
Lendman Colombia, America's closest South
American ally, is a corrupted narco-state, a
repressive death squad faux democracy, threatening
regional neighbors, and reigning terror against trade
unionists, human rights workers, campesinos,
pro-democracy organizations, independent journalists,
and legitimate resistance groups like the FARC-EP.
Established in 1964, James Petras calls it the
"longest standing, largest peasant-based guerrilla
movement in the world," persisting valiantly for
decades. Thanks to Plan Colombia and other
support, the state is heavily militarized, more than
ever now serving as Washington's land-based aircraft
carrier against regional targets, including
neighboring Venezuela. The Pentagon got expanded access,
former President Alvaro Uribe agreeing to US forces on
seven more military bases (three airfields, two naval
installations, and two army facilities), as well as
unrestricted use of the entire country as-needed for
internal and external belligerency, including
out-of-control violence and human rights abuses, the
region's most extreme to keep two-thirds of Colombians
impoverished, millions displaced, corruption endemic,
wealth concentration growing, and corporate predators
freed to exploit and plunder. Also to facilitate record amounts
of Colombian cocaine from government-controlled areas
reaching US and world markets, new President Juan
Manuel Santos embracing the "Uribe Doctrine," now his.
It's extremist, hard right, corrupt, brutal,
corporate-friendly, and militarized in lockstep with
Washington. As Uribe's Defense Minister,
James Petras explained that Santos was an assassin,
deploying military forces and paramilitary death
squads "to kill and terrorize entire population
centers, (murdering) over 20,000 people....falsely
labeled 'guerrillas.' " UN Special Rapporteur Report on
"Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions" Mandated by the Human Rights
Council (HRC), Special Rapporteur Philip Alston issued
his March 31, 2010 report, based on his June 8 - 18,
2009 Colombia mission, understating the reality by
citing "important gains," yet nonetheless damning,
saying "very serious problems remain." Calamitous for
most Colombians more accurately describes them. Under Uribe and Santos, they're
virulent, security and paramilitary forces "carr(ying)
out a significant number of premeditated civilian
murders," fraudulently called "combat" deaths.
Killings rage "around the country," military
commanders under pressure to show results by "kill
counts." A culture of violence with
impunity plagues Colombia, the military adopting a
"you're either for us or against us" doctrine,
stigmatizing civilians as potential enemies to be
targeted and eliminated. Paramilitaries also share
fault, "carr(ying) out many killings and the numbers
are rising." As a signatory to international
human rights law conventions, including Geneva and its
Additional Protocols, the Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court (ICC), and the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR),
Colombia is legally obligated, international treaties
automatically state laws under its Constitution's
Article 93, ones the Uribe, Santos and other past
governments spurned with impunity. Calling resistance fighters
"terrorists," the phenomenon of "false positives"
amounts to "unlawful killings of civilians, staged" to
look legitimate, including by arresting them at home,
by patrols, at roadblocks, or though other means.
Sometimes, "informers" rat on them for a reward,
usually monetary. Once assassinated, faked legitimacy
is established by planting weapons on the scene,
changing their clothes to combat fatigues, and other
deceptions. If family members later know, they're
intimidated to silence, on threat of disappearing or
death. Government officials are in
denial, claiming "civilian victims were in fact
guerrillas or criminals," calling unlawful killings a
few "isolated cases." Clear evidence, however, shows a
widespread problem, government and paramilitary forces
responsible, a pattern "repeated around the country.
There have been too many killings of a similar nature
to characterize them as isolated incidents carried out
by individual rogue soldiers or units, or 'bad
apples.' " The entire security apparatus is involved,
eyewitnesses and soldier testimonies confirming it. Cold-blooded murder and
extrajudicial assassinations are state policy, many
thousands affected, the practices continuing
unchecked. In 2009, the Ministry of Defense issued
bogus human rights mandates throughout the Armed
Forces, for show, not serious change. At best, it's "too early to
confirm the extent or nature of a drop in allegations.
Past experience in Colombia shows that many (killings)
remain unreported for long periods of time due to
witness fear, lack of knowledge about how to make
complaints and navigate the justice system, and
significant communication and geographic impediments
to making complaints." In regions visited, conditions
look "significantly less positive" than reported, lack
of accountability a key factor, impunity for state
killers "as high as 98.5%. Soldiers (paramilitaries
and police) simply (know) that they (can) get away
with murder" because of no serious effort to prosecute
or convict. Yet, "important steps to reduce
paramilitary killings and violence," were attempted,
including demobilizing and reintegrating the AUC.
However, "the full picture of the
demobilization....shows an alarming level of impunity
for former paramilitaries." In addition, no one has
been sentenced nor a full accounting of crimes
produced. As a result, truth and justice has been
sacrificed, including for victims, "denied the right
to restitution and reparation." In 2009, helpful legislation
didn't pass because of internal opposition, the
failure and demobilization flaws causing a "rise in
killings by new illegal armed groups (IAGs), composed
of paramilitaries who didn't demobilize and others
joining new groups. They "may have spread across
Colombia and, in the aggregate may number in the
thousands." The "incontrovertible reality
remains that (vulnerable people) continue to be
disproportionately killed or threatened and are
especially" at risk. Government efforts to curb
violence are weak and ineffective, unmasking a faux
democracy. High level complicity and a
culture of impunity are at fault, why Colombia remains
the world's most dangerous country for trade
unionists, and one of the most hazardiys for human
rights workers, pro-democracy supporters, independent
journalists, or anyone challenging state power, Santos
as militant, corrupted, and extremist as Uribe, most
Colombians the worse off for it. On August 17, the Constitutional Court of Colombia, its highest judicial branch, ruled 6 - 3 against granting the Pentagon more military bases (the October 2009 agreement), calling the deal unconstitutional because legislators didn't approve it. Chief Justice Mauricio Gonzales said the agreement is "an arrangement which requires the state to take on new obligations as well as an extension of previous ones and as such should be handled as an international treaty, that is, subject to congressional approval." The decision doesn't affect previous US-Colombian accords, so until resolved, highly likely in America's favor, US forces can be moved temporarily to permitted bases, effectively negating the high court ruling, a Santos congressional majority expected to affirm it.
Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening. http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour/.
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