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The
Exodus Of Moderates From Iraq: Sunnis And Shiites, Arabs
And Others
17 November 2010By Abdul Rahman Al-Rashid
The fact that the Iraqis have ultimately agreed to
resolve their government formation crisis is a
historical achievement that merits praise. After
months of apprehension, we can finally heave a sigh of
relief. Had they not come to an agreement, Iraq might
have descended into an abyss. Despite disputing over
leadership posts and cabinet quotas, Iraqi politicians
have proven, through the March elections and incidents
which followed, to be pragmatic, realistic and
moderate, albeit to varying degrees.
However, the most moderate political bloc of all,
the al-Iraqiya List, has lost its chance to form the
new government. It is the bloc that most accurately
represents the composition of the Iraqi people, in
terms of its denominations (Sunnis and Shiites), and
its ethnicities (Arabs and others). Furthermore, it
was the bloc which won the most seats in the March
parliamentary elections (91 seats).
We were hoping that the Iraqiya bloc would have the
opportunity to rule the country, in order to reinforce
the concept of a cosmopolitan Iraq, rather than a
divided and partitioned one, particularly at a time
when the state itself is being remoulded. Yet
unfortunately, the bloc that lost the elections has
managed to win the leadership posts. The Iraqis, the
Americans, and regional forces with interests in
Iraq's stability and future, are all to blame for
this.
The Americans are to blame because they are still
responsible for supporting this new Iraqi state, and
they can still spare it from ‘walking in the dark'.
Disappointingly, they seemed only to be concerned with
settling the leadership crisis, by working out a
formula without caring much about the country's
future.
We heave a sigh of relief, but with a sense of
unease, because the price of ending the leadership
crisis is that Iraq now has a distorted government,
with numerous posts, promises and powers. On the one
hand, the government displays harmony, yet on the
other, it harbours discord and dissension amongst its
participants.
For example, the Council of Policies has been
revived, to partly satisfy Dr. Ayad Allawi, who was
deprived of becoming Prime Minister. Yet this new
council is effectively redundant, and is in direct
competition with the cabinet. Theoretically speaking,
it may also rival leadership posts. This means that
problems will increase, and furthermore, Allawi will
not receive any actual authority. How can such a
council, which cannot pass a motion unless 80 percent
of its members vote for it, issue any meaningful
decisions? Securing 80 percent of the overall vote is
almost impossible, especially in a government which
contains a multitude of parties. We have seen how
Iraqi politicians failed to secure 51 percent of the
electoral vote, over a period of eight months, to
resolve the Prime Ministerial issue, so how will they
now manage to secure an 80 percent majority?
Moreover, the enormous powers of the Iraqi Prime
Minister have not been curbed, despite promises being
made to that end. The Prime Minister practically
governs everything in the country including security,
defence, oil, finance and politics. Thus, Iraq is
facing a one-man government again, despite the fact
that it was originally supposed to be a broad
coalition government, in a move away from single-party
rule. How will Iraq be run internally? And how will it
handle its relations with neighbouring countries?
When the Iraqi army and security forces were
disbanded [after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein],
subsequently leading to the collapse of the entire
security system, former US President George W. Bush
was blamed. Today, the Obama administration will be
blamed for giving in, and supporting the existing
status quo. The Obama administration has also
abandoned its moral obligations, notably because the
U.S. should have backed the moderate Iraqiya bloc,
which won the most seats in the election, and had
significant parties willing to support it. The biggest
fear of all lies in the serious repercussions that
might arise, owing to this current U.S. position. If
Iraq has successfully weathered eight tough months,
then it still has around forty more to endure.
Al Rashed is the general manager of Al -Arabiya television. He is also the
former editor-in-chief of Asharq Al- Awsat, and the leading Arabic weekly
magazine, Al Majalla. He is also a senior Columnist in the daily newspapers of
Al Madina and Al Bilad. He is a US post-graduate degree in mass communications.
He has been a guest on many TV current affairs programs. He is currently based
in Dubai.
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