02 November 2010 By Stephen
Lendman Since early October, France
resembles May 1968, at least in part, predatory
capitalism again on trial. More on that below. Today
it's over austerity moves, not for raising the
retirement age to 62 as misreported. It's much more,
as Diana Johnstone explained in her article titled,
"Collapse of Social Security: French Workers Confront
the Neoliberal Policy Agenda," saying: "For one thing, (public outrage)
is an expression of exasperation with the (Sarkozy)
government....which blatantly favors the super-rich
over the majority of working people in this country."
Elected on the slogan, "Work more to earn more,"
today's reality is "work harder to earn less." Like in America, public coffers
are emptied for the rich. In contrast, "the whole
(post-WW II) social security system" is being
dismantled in real time "on the pretext that 'we can't
afford it.' " Blaming street protests on retirement
age changes is a red herring. It's over worker
exploitation, favoring the rich, transferring wealth
like in America and throughout Europe when ailing
economies need massive stimulus, mostly for working
people desperate for help. Instead only capital,
investments, and the ability to compete are addressed,
neoliberal reforms the prescription when, in fact,
they're ruinous for workers. They know it, protest,
and continue through strikes and street
demonstrations, what's so far absent in America in
spite of US workers treated as unfairly. Also like in America, high
finance rules, wage and benefit cuts as well as
deindustrialization the price paid. As a result,
production moves offshore to cheap labor markets.
High-paying jobs vanish, and with them a former way of
life. It's a game, "only the financiers can win....And
if they lose, well, they just get more chips
(handouts) for another game from servile governments"
like in France, America, and elsewhere. "Where will it end," asks
Johnstone? A democratic revolution should follow, "a
complete overhaul of economic policy," what's very
unlikely in France, across Europe or in America,
unless conditions get so bad, a combination of hunger,
homelessness, and unemployment producing rage enough
to demand it. Don't bet, however, on what came close
in 1968, a historic moment lost. Even then, unions backed
government power, not their rank and file. Other
factors were also in play. In his 1970 book, "Prelude
to Revolution: France in May 1968," Daniel Singer
asked if a "socialist revolution" was beginning,
whether "Marxism (was) returning to its home ground,
the advanced countries for which it was designed?" Indeed so he believed calling the
May uprising "a revolutionary situation (that) can
occur in (any) advanced capitalist country." It began
with student revolts in Germany, Italy, Japan, Mexico,
America, France, and elsewhere with the potential for
much more. It was the biggest working class
eruption since the 1930s, especially in France when,
at its peak, 10 million strong joined students, went
on strike, occupied factories, universities, and
offices throughout the country, paralyzed it, and
nearly ousted the de Gaulle government, for days
unable to counter the most profound challenge to
capitalism since the 30s and 1917 Russia. For weeks, direct worker actions
in factories and other takeovers continued. "Dual
power" was created - the government v. revolutionary
action committees, workers wanting "a new form of
democracy, including industrial democracy, that does
not just rest on an occasional ballot." Their actions
"precipitated the biggest general strike in French
history, paralyzing the economy and raising, for a
brief spell, the question of power in the country." It could have gone either way
under the slogan, "Be realistic, demand the
impossible!" Capitalism was on trial, a transition to
socialism then possible. Singer believed workers had a
chance to take over "a share of the management and
then to full management by collective producers." His
model embraced two characteristics: -- students acting before or
independently from workers; then -- workers joining their ranks in
support, united against a common enemy, turning
rebellion into "potential revolution." He understood that "workers
(couldn't) conquer economic power under capitalism as
the bourgeoisie did under feudalism." Their task is
harder, but he saw in France the potential for change,
working class people acting "in parallel" to achieve
it. Years later, he said a better future depends on
"structural reforms" or "revolutionary reformism," the
kind more than ever needed now with less zeal so far
for it, far more in France and elsewhere in Europe,
however, than in America. Despite today's demands,
governments remain hardline, unlike in 1968 when
political and social concessions were made to retain
power. Years later they were lost under Thatcher in
Britain, Kohl in Germany and Reagan in America. They
began a three decade assault on working class wages,
benefits and values, intensified under Clinton, Bush
II, Obama, and their European counterparts. In 1968 France, revolutionary
change was possible. The nation was paralyzed, the
government powerless. Trade unions lost control to
workers with enough strength to take over. It didn't
happen because the French Communist Party (PCF), its
union ally, the Confederation general du travail (CGT),
Pabloite United Secretariat, and its French branches
allied to stop it. Events unfolded as follows. In
January, student protests began, at first small, then
larger, spreading from one city to another. In Caen,
Bordeaux, and elsewhere, workers and students took to
the streets. On April 12, a solidarity Paris protest
supported German student Rudi Dutschke, shot in Berlin
by a right-wing hooligan. In March, students occupied
the University of Nanterre administration building.
The Paris Sorbonne was then targeted. On May 3, student leaders planned
their next moves. Police responded, clearing the
campus disruptively. Students, in return, erected
barricades. Arrests followed. The Communist Party
opposed student activists, its second in command
leader, George Marchais, calling them "fascist
provocateurs," to no avail. Events gained a momentum
on their own. Protests grew and spread across the
country. On May 8, a one-day western
France strike was held. On May 10 and 11, the "Night
of the Barricades" engulfed Paris' Latin Quarter.
Thousands of students barricaded themselves in the
university district. Police stormed it late at night.
Hundreds were injured, many arrested. Prime Minister
George Pompidou reopened the Sorbonne. Students in
custody were released, then a May 13 general strike
was called against police repression. A huge response followed, the
largest mass uprising since WW II. In Paris alone,
800,000 filled the streets. Political demands included
toppling the government. The Sorbonne and other
universities were again occupied. Trade unions tried
to limit strike action to one day, but failed. On May
14, workers occupied the Nantes Sud-Aviation factory,
holding it for a month. Across France, from May 15 - 20,
hundreds of other occupations followed, including at
the country's largest factory, the Billancourt Renault
plant, many managers held captive. Worker/action
committees demanded higher wages and benefits, shorter
working hours, no recriminations, and more worker
rights overall. By May 20, all France was shut
down. A general strike paralyzed the country, without
calls from trade unions or other organizations.
Nonetheless, everywhere, factories, offices,
universities and schools were occupied, halting
production, commerce, transport and education. Ten
million workers participated, two-thirds of the
workforce, the most massive strike in French history. From May 22 - 30, events peaked,
but continued into July. According to the French Labor
Ministry, 150 million working days were lost, an
astonishing number compared to other similar, but
smaller, events. By late May, the de Gaulle government
lost control. Demands for its resignation grew. On May
24, he addressed the nation on national television,
promising a referendum, giving workers and students
more rights. It had no impact whatever. Had workers
and students kept up pressure weeks longer, they might
have brought down the government and headed France for
real revolutionary change. It didn't happen. A historic
opportunity was lost. The Communist Party/General
Confederation of Labor/affiliated groups collaboration
prevented it, saving the Fifth Republic. As explained,
modest concessions were made. Smaller strikes and
occupations continued for weeks, and years passed
before calm entirely returned. Two months after
strikes began, elitists regained power, using more
time effectively to solidify it, against waning
revolutionary zeal. Years later, Singer said the following: People understand we're "living in an oppressive and unjust society. Only they think there is no way out. (We're) now told that capitalism - call it hell, paradise, or purgatory - is the one system from which there is no possible way out. The great success of our huge propaganda machine (is having) spread the conviction that" there's no alternative (TINA as Margaret Thatcher said). She lied, but as elitists know, their power depends on "our acceptance, our resignation." Our pundits, preachers and governments "doom as impossible a radical, fundamental transformation of existing society," one infinitely better than today's but open discussions about it are suppressed. No matter. Recall the French slogan, "Be realistic, Ask for the Impossible." It exhorts us to "recover the conviction that we can change life, changez la vie, through collective political action. When that conviction is regained, all the establishments will once again begin to tremble," knowing change is on the way. The "impossible" is indeed reachable when enough determined people seize it.
Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening. http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour/.
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