|
06 November 2010 By Stephen
Lendman An earlier article reviewed the
April Mossawa Advocacy Center for Arab Citizens in
Israel report titled, "One Year for Israel's New
Government and the Arab Minority in Israel," accessed
through the following link: http://sjlendman.blogspot.com/2010/07/deteriorating-conditions-for-israeli.html This article discusses a new
Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) report
titled, "Project Democracy - Fighting for the Ground
Rules" for Israeli Arabs. Israel's bogus democratic
credentials are shameless and transparent, for growing
numbers of Israeli Jews, but mainly for denying equal
rights to minority Arabs, comprising 20% of the
population. ACRI explained, saying: "One of the most important
principles in a democracy is to protect the minority
against....tyranny. A democratic state is by nature
pluralistic and respectful of diversity among its
citizens, and enables each group within its population
that so wishes to maintain all the components of its
own identity, including its heritage, culture, and
national identity." Israel governs mirror opposite,
disdaining anyone not Jewish, largely denying them any
rights, while increasing harsh levels of persecution,
especially against unwanted Arabs. As a result,
today's reality is lawless discrimination, at times
erupting in violence, injuries and deaths. Arab citizens are increasingly
persecuted because Israel won't "hesitate to employ
lethal violence against" them on any pretext or none
whatever. With no accountability or prosecutions,
Muslims are unsafe, knowing their government is the
enemy, not protector of their rights. At the start of the second
Intifada, the events of October 2000 shocked many by
the murder of 13 Arabs, 12 citizens and one Occupied
Territories resident. No prosecutions followed, a
chilling reality that persists. As a result, fear and
mistrust grow, instead of adopting the Or Commission's
recommendations to diffuse them. Established to investigate the
October 2000 incidents, it gave Israel "a historic
opportunity to redefine its attitude" to its Arab
minority. Ten years later, nothing's changed. In fact,
conditions are worse. "(I)n particular, we have seen
an unprecedented deterioration in the attitude of the
state toward (its) Arab citizens," more than ever
since Israel's War of Independence treated them like a
fifth column, an enemy to be routed and removed. Today
that same attitude prevails. Besides attacks on personal
freedoms, authorities propose discriminatory laws,
make racist statements publicly, exert force
lawlessly, and most recently want Arabs to declare
loyalty to "a Zionist, Jewish and democratic state,"
tarnishing or even made to renounce their own heritage
in the process. Moreover, since October 2000,
"dozens of Arab citizens have been killed by the
security forces." Rarely is anyone held accountable,
at most offenders given "light penalties that do not
reflect the gravity" of their crimes. Democracies afford equal rights
and protections to all its citizens, none excluded for
any reason, the true test shown by how minorities are
treated. Instead, since inception, Israeli Arabs "have
faced systematic and institutionalized discrimination"
and repression. Importantly, as recognized by the
Or Commission, not only do Arab citizens constitute a
large minority, they represent an indigenous people
with longstanding roots before Israel's establishment.
As distinct from immigrants, they "bear a stronger
affinity" to their historic homeland, international
law recognizing their right to equality in all
respects. Yet an extremist Knesset demands
"No citizenship without (pledged) loyalty," what no
real democracy requires or enacts repressive measures
against any of its citizens. Yet hardline Israelis
believe Arab rights depend "on (the) condition that
they abandon their national identity, culture,
language, and historical heritage, and declare their
'loyalty' to values they do not share." No "loyalty," no rights, they
believe, including examples reflecting tyranny, not
democracy, such as denying: -- free expression; -- nonviolent protests; and -- participation in social and
political life. An example of the latter came
from the early 2009 Central Election Committee (CEC)
decision to disqualify two Arab parties (Balad and the
United Arab List) from standing for Knesset elections.
Although Israel's Supreme Court overturned the action,
CEC's conduct "constituted an attack not only on the
Arab minority itself, but also on the democratic
system," exposing its sham nature. Numerous other examples also
highlight it, including events after the May Gaza
Flotilla attack, unleashing "a tidal wave of attacks
and challenges to the Arab Members of the Knesset." A proposed "Zuabi Law" was
introduced, connected to MK Hanin Zuabi's
participation. It stipulated that by a special 80 MK
majority, any Knesset member could be expelled for
having "committed incitement and negated the existence
of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic
state." So far, it's not enacted, but indicates the
fragility of personal freedom in Israel, fast eroding
and heading for tyranny. This and other examples reflect
"the unprecedented deterioration in the current
Knesset in all aspects relating to respect for the
democratic process." Its most fundamental precept
protects the right to dissent, what Howard Zinn called
the highest form of patriotism. It also prohibits state-sponsored
violence, what Israel uses against its Arab minority,
including Bedouin citizens, forcefully removed from
their lands with no right to contest. Worse still is
cold-blodded murder with no accountability except for
meaningless hand slaps. As a result, the attitude of
authorities becomes "a role model for many members of
the (Jewish) public. The disrespect (and lawlessness)
shown by (MKs);" the hostile approach of security
force harshness; "the state's denial of the rights of
the Arab minority, its preference for (force) over
dialogue, and its treatment of Arab citizens" like
enemies influences public attitudes and behavior
overall. Surveys and other expressions, in
fact, confirm an "atmosphere of hostility, hatred, and
racism." Countless examples include: -- in 2009, three Misgav district
communities (Manof, Yuvalim and Mitzpe) required
candidates for membership to declare loyalty to the
"Zionist vision" and Israel as a Jewish, democratic
state; -- in July 2010, a proposed law
passed its First Reading to let communities make these
demands; -- discriminatory racism is
common in workplaces, at times prohibiting Arabic
being used; in other cases excluding non-Jews; "out of
150,000 employees in the industry in Israel, only some
500 (0.33 percent) are Arabs; and -- overall treating Arab citizens
like enemies, at times violently. Since inception, government
decisions, court rulings, and official documents
confirm a culture of discrimination against anyone not
Jewish, especially Muslims. The Or Commission, in
fact, found that: "government attention to the Arab
sector has largely been characterized by neglect and
discrimination." Moreover, "the establishment has not
shown sufficient sensitivity to the needs of the Arab
sector, and has not taken adequate action to allocate
state resources in an egalitarian manner, including to
this sector." The Commission recommended
genuine equality for Israeli Arabs, saying: "The state should initiate,
develop, and operate programs to close gaps, with an
emphasis on the fields of budgets, in all areas
relating to education, housing, industrial
development, employment, and services." Nonetheless, discriminatory gaps
widened in areas of education, land, housing,
construction, employment, healthcare, politics, civil
liberties, and personal safety. Israel
institutionalized second-class citizenry for everyone
not Jewish, mainly Muslims. ACRI thus concluded,
saying: "This reality is morally
intolerable and, ultimately, it threatens not 'merely'
" Israel's 20% minority, "but all of us....A state
that restricts" basic rights; allocates them unfairly;
"discriminates against citizens (by misallocation) of
resources, infrastrutures, and education; and that
labels certain citizens as enemies, is a state" with
no democratic legitimacy whatever, heading rapidly
toward despotism. Israel's huge political prisoner population belies any democratic pretense, Ahmad Sa'adat a prominent prisoner of conscience, discussed in an earlier article, accessed through the following link: http://sjlendman.blogspot.com/2010/07/ ahmad-saadat-palestinian-prisoner-of.html On December 8, 2008, he was sentenced to 30 years imprisonment, Israel's harshest political punishment, illegal under international law. An early October 2010 article updated his status, accessed in a final comment through the following link: http://sjlendman.blogspot.com/2010/10/ israels-persecution-of-ameer-makhoul.html It mentioned an October 4 International Campaign for the Release of Kidnapped Palestinian Legislators press release, saying Sa'adat spent over "500 days in solitary confinement under the most inhumane conditions...." On October 21, Israel sentenced him to six additional months of isolation until April 21, 2011, the web site freeahmadsaadat.org calling it: "another outrage and attack upon the humanity of Palestinian prisoners and the Palestinian people. (His) ongoing and repeated isolation (will) now stretch to over two years" to silence him on grounds of "security." In fact, it's to crush his human rights mission and perhaps kill him by repression and neglect. The campaign to free him "calls upon all to confront this outrage," adding that "Isolation will not silence" him, other Palestinian political prisoners, or their cause.
Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening. http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour/.
|