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02 May 2011 By Abdul Rahman Al-Rashid He watched them all on his television screen. He
saw how the Egyptian President Mubarak was overthrown,
and three weeks earlier, how the Tunisian President
Ben Ali was ousted, and now he can see Gaddafi
struggling to maintain just a quarter of Libya, and
how Yemeni President Saleh is trying to improve the
conditions under which he will step down from power.
Indeed, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad watched
all those before him meet their destiny, and he had
time to heed warnings and learn lessons from what
happened. He is not like the Tunisian President, who
was taken by surprise by the mass uprising, and was
forced to flee the country in his private jet after he
failed to suppress the revolution. The Egyptian
President also run out of time as events developed
quickly, and when he failed to control the situation,
he sought assistance from the army, which ultimately
ousted him from power. Bashar al-Assad can now see
that Gaddafi, who adopted a variety of military means
of suppression, has brought international intervention
upon himself, and his regime is on the verge of
collapse as a result of this. As for the Yemeni
President, he adopted a strategy of political
maneuvers to quell calls for him to step down, yet the
public are still calling on him to step down, whilst
others are demanding he face trial for last Friday's
massacre. Syria is the fifth, not the first, country in this
"revolutionary queue", and so President al-Assad
should have collected enough practical thoughts and
advice to know how to handle any disturbance. However,
in reality, the Syrian President addressed the first
protest by killing five people in the periphery city
of Daraa, a city formerly believed to be a pro-regime
stronghold that has been transformed into a symbol of
the uprising. What is extremely odd is that the Syrian President
did not justify the use of force by offering any
concessions to the demonstrators; he did not dissolve
the parliament, whose term will come to an end in
weeks, and then hold early elections under
international supervision. He did not announce changes
in his security apparatus which is actually a source
of the problem, and has been for many decades in
Syria, being internationally deemed a "bad example.'
He refused to release political prisoners, the
majority of whom are civilians, who are not nearly as
troublesome as the rest of his opponents in the
streets. In fact, he did practically nothing, except
verbally announcing an end to the state of emergency,
in order to justify sending his military troops to
confront the demonstrators. It is clear that the Syrian regime is imitating
Gaddafi; it is distorting the image of its opponents
and suppressing them via military force. It has
accused the demonstrators of being Salafists,
terrorists, insurgents and armed militia, allowing the
government troops and security apparatus full reign to
crush them. We do not know how the army will quell
tens of thousands of demonstrators in dozens of
cities, especially as whenever a demonstrator is
killed, a funeral precession is arranged and hatred
intensifies. If a military or security solution was
actually effective, Gaddafi would have won his battle,
particularly as he employed fighter jets, heavy
artillery and mercenaries, but ultimately failed to
stop the demonstrators. Further killings will only
cause the Syrian public to support the opposition,
push the opposition towards armament, and peaceful
demonstrators will turn into armed revolutionaries.
I do not mean to belittle the concerns of the
Syrian leadership; which firstly believes that a
regional and international plot is being hatched
against it – and certainly there are many who wish to
see the collapse of the Syrian regime – and secondly,
believes that offering concessions will undermine its
prestige and further fuel the uprising against it.
Even if these doubts were true, a military solution in
particular will not help the Syrian regime. It is true
that political concessions may cause the regime to
lose some of its power, but it will survive, or at the
very least it will have an excuse to resort to a
military solution. No regime in the world today
exercises so much control over the lives and destinies
of its people as the Syrian regime. The iron fist is
supposed to be a relic of a bygone era, and that is
why the Libyans revolted, and now the Syrians are
doing the same. |