Prosecute Them: Crimes Of Tyranny And
The Systematic Killing Of Demonstrators
09 June 2011
By Osman Mirghani
The Yemeni President seems to be dancing with the
snakes by declining to step down from power, and
instead insisting on maneuvering and procrastination,
whilst his regime continues to kill demonstrators. In
my estimation, President Saleh, in the best of cases,
has misunderstood the Gulf Cooperation Council's
mediation effort; he interpreted it as an endeavor to
protect him – rather than the nation – from the risk
of continual bloody confrontations. In the worst case
scenario, President Saleh wanted to maneuver and
exploit the initiative to cause a rift between his
opponents and undermine the revolution, in order to
salvage his ailing regime.
Perhaps the Yemeni President has disproved the
theory that granting immunity against prosecution may
convince leaders and officials, whose regimes are
facing uprisings and revolutions, to accept a safe
exit. This is because some leaders may believe that
they can experiment by remaining in power through
tyranny and the systematic killing of demonstrators,
and if this process fails, then they can return to the
mediation "boat" and make a safe exit, hence avoiding
legal pursuit and prosecution for the killings and
corruption crimes they committed. For this particular
reason, one can understand the argument of those who
say that any crisis resolution strategy should not
involve immunity against charges of murder,
corruption, and theft of state finance. Without
immunity, every official who chooses to go along with
the murder, intimidation and corruption would realize
that, sooner or later, he will be held accountable for
his actions.
What does it mean for someone to be a state
official unless he is held accountable for the
consequences of his deeds? How can an official enjoy
the privileges that come with his position, without
having to shoulder the subsequent burden or
responsibility? An individual must be held accountable
for the consequences of their actions, in accordance
with the concept: "You are a shepherd, and thus you
are responsible for your flock". When someone assumes
a post he must serve the people whom he was assigned
to take care of, and this must be his primary concern.
He must be prepared to be held accountable should he
fail to do. For example, isn't it odd that we hear
former officials in the Mubarak regime today saying
that their role was to follow orders, and therefore
they are not responsible for the violations they
committed, or the killings that took place when the
demonstrations were suppressed? Some of those
officials were ministers, yet they decline to admit
that they were in positions of power and hence must
shoulder the responsibility.
The law considers the act of being complicit to a
crime as an offence in itself - a crime for which one
should be called to account. Moreover, some officials
have in fact been partners in crime, either by giving
orders to fire upon demonstrators, or pulling the
trigger to kill unarmed protestors. A policeman who
fires a deadly bullet at the head or chest of an
unarmed demonstrator can by no means disavow the
responsibility for the killing, for he did not fire
the gun into the air as a warning first. Rather, he
pointed the gun at the head and the chest so that the
bullet would be fatal, so how can he not be branded a
killer?
During the repression that accompanied the Arab
uprisings and revolutions, there were officers and
soldiers who refused to fire at the demonstrators,
based on the ethical principle that the army and the
security services should not point their guns at their
own people. These soldiers and officers are a fine
example of the type of mentality that should prevail.
In order for their stance not to be in vain, and in
order for the blood of innocent people not to be shed
without accountability, as we can see in the continual
scenes of oppression and murder in Yemen, Syria and
Libya, it may be important to document and record the
crimes committed against these citizens. The officials
who issued the orders to fire upon civilians, as well
as those who obeyed the instructions to kill and
torture, should all be named so that they can later be
called to account.
The calls for reform, as well as for democracy,
freedom of expression, and respect of human rights,
cannot be completed unless there is also judicial
reform and a restructure of the security apparatus.
The law must prevail, and peoples' trust must be
restored in these institutions, the main duty of which
is to protect citizens and society. There is an urgent
need to foster a new culture amongst the security
apparatus, whereby the concepts of assaulting
citizens, denying their rights, and acting outside the
limits of the law are eliminated. The law must be
above everyone, whether citizens or officials, and
everyone must be equal in the eyes of the judiciary,
regardless of their position or title.
Several Arab regimes established and trained their
security apparatuses so that they would offer
protection to the regime only, and not to the
citizens. Therefore, we saw such security forces
prepared to oppress their people and curtail their
freedom, as was manifested in the brutal torture of
detainees in police stations and security
headquarters, in the same manner that we saw violence
used against unarmed demonstrators. Yet it was more
alarming when we saw armies rushing to the streets
with their weapons to crush the demonstrators, whilst
forgetting that their duty is to protect these people
from foreign forces. It is for this reason that the
stance of the Egyptian army, which declined to take
part in the repression of demonstrations, was welcomed
both locally and internationally, as were the officers
and soldiers who chose to side with people in Yemen,
Libya and Syria, refusing to obey orders of oppression
and murder just to safeguard regimes which refuse to
understand their peoples' message. Such regimes must
understand the Egyptian lesson: The Egyptian Ministry
of Interior deployed 1.2 million troops in an attempt
to suppress the demonstrations, yet the regime was
toppled and could not resist the popular revolution.
Any president who kills his own people for the sake
of the throne must understand that he will be
prosecuted and called to account. This also applies to
any official, no matter what rank, who issues orders
for torture, oppression, or to fire upon unarmed
citizens. This official could be a minister, manager,
police commissioner, or even an ordinary solider, yet
as long as he chooses to kill citizens rather than
protect them, he is responsible.