2011: The Year That Shook The World - A
Historical Turning Point In International Affairs
17 Jan 2012
By Eric Walberg
2011 is already history and will remain a historical
turning point in international affairs, enthuses Eric
Walberg
A Tunisian fruit vendor, Mohamed Bouazizi, set himself
on fire in a public square in a small town in December
2010, sparking protests that brought down dictators in
Tunisia and Egypt , and began a tidal wave of change
both in the Middle East and farther afield. Add in the
2011 American withdrawal from Iraq and failed attempts
to subdue Afghanistan and Iran, and the writing on the
wall for empire is written boldly — in blood.
After a century of scheming in the Middle East and
Central Asia by first Britain and then the US , the
tables turned much faster than anyone could have
imagined. As the pivotal 2011 draws to a close, it is
the perfect moment to look at how we got here. The
rollercoaster ride has been long and terrifying, and
it is vital to understand where it is taking us.
From the 19th century on, it was clear to imperial
strategists such as Cecil Rhodes and Halford MacKinder,
motivated by the desire to conquer the world, that the
"heartland", Eurasia , was the key to securing the
proposed world empire. WWI was supposed to clinch the
deal, with the collapse of the Ottoman Caliphate
leaving the Levant "free" to be carved up and secured.
The Indian Raj was the empire's base for securing
Central Asia and the Far East.
But the horrors of the war led to an unforeseen
result: revolution in Russia, inspiring a growing
anti-imperial movement across Eurasia. Inspired by
Russian revolutionaries, the Raj seethed in
discontent, demanding freedom from the British yoke,
and Chinese patriots coalesced around their own
rapidly growing Communist movement. Historic Turkestan
was now off limits, part of the Soviet Union or in the
case of Afghanistan, unconquerable.
WWII erupted as Germany attempted to snatch the world
empire from the British and destroy its Russian
nemesis, but this merely accelerated the decline of
the Euro-imperialists, their schemes exposed as
relying on mass slaughter and cold, calculating
privilege for the elite of the imperial centre.
When the war ended, there were hopes that imperialism
would end too. The empire had been forced to ally with
the Communists to defeat the Germans, and to promise
to dismantle the imperial system after WWII. This new
world order was to be one of independent nations
competing on a level playing field. But what should
have been the last gasp of this inhuman system of
"free trade" in the service of empire gained a new
lease on life, as the US had escaped the 20th
century's cataclysms unscathed, and its capitalists
were eager to take on the mantle of empire ceded by
the bankrupt Brits.
Moreover, a new, subtle but key force in the new
empire was the Jewish state established by the British
and Americans in the heart of the Middle East, a
blatant colonial entity which draped its imperial role
in the language of anti-colonial liberation. This,
despite the fact that it was created by dispossessing
the native Arabs, even as neighbouring Arabs in Syria,
Lebanon, Jordan and North Africa were gaining nominal
independence from their colonial masters.
This new playing field witnessed a long, bloody match,
pitting the empire's forces against both Communists
and anti-colonial forces. After millions of deaths, it
culminated in the defeat of the Communists in 1991,
and a new game began, with world control once again
the prize.
The dreams of revolution and an end to empire were
dashed, and this new world order was once again baldly
imperial, as planners accelerated their plans,
epitomised by the rise of the neoconservatives with
their Project for a New American Century, combining
market fundamentalism and imperial aggression in a
deadly cocktail where there were no longer any
geographical limits.
The former Communist union, especially Turkestan, with
its strategic location and oil wealth, was quickly
brought into the imperial orbit. Even China was
accommodated, as it acceded to the world economic
order established by the empire after WWII.
But the baggage of empire continued to complicate the
picture. The Islamists, so useful in the destruction
of the Communist bloc, resisted imperial designs.
Israel, also useful throughout the post-WWII struggle
against both the Communists and the 3rd world
liberation forces, established itself as an
independent player and even posed as the new imperial
coach, penetrating to the heart of the empire and
asserting its own goals of expansion and hostility
against its Muslim neighbours.
At its beheast, the resulting wars have been against
the Arab and Muslim world, but two decades of attempts
to subdue them have merely hardened Muslims'
opposition to empire, even as the devastation caused
by imperial designs increases.
Hence, the Arab Spring of 2011 and the accession to
power of Islamists via the ballot box across the
Middle East . Hence, the unwinnable war against the
Afghan people, that brought empire to its knees in
fateful 2011, even as the slaughter of insurgents and
civilians increased. Yes, the imperialists managed a
clever ruse, invading Libya to depose the clownish
Gaddafi, but the Islamists and fiercely independent
tribes there are unlikely allies of empire.
The tsunami of resistance to imperialism surged
throughout 2011 around the world, while the empire's
leaders put a worldwide "missile defence" system in
place. But even as radars and missiles were installed
in Europe , the rising tide reached the empire's
shores in 2011, as financial crisis led to rising
poverty and unrest in the imperial centre itself.
Taking inspiration from the Arab Spring, mass
demonstrations in Greece and Spain erupted and Wall
Street, the empire's "heartland", was occupied. The
"99 per cent" entered the political lexicon as the
people vs the ruling elite (the 1 per cent who own
half of the country's assets). Even Israel and newly
capitalist Russia witnessed mass demonstrations, as
ordinary citizens began to realise how the system
works, or rather doesn't work for them. How increasing
disparity of wealth is the logical result of market
fundamentalism and control of the economy by financial
capital.
2011 will go down in history as a year as fateful as
1917, when the blinkers fell away from the common
people's eyes in Russia and they rose up against their
oppressors. But while 1917 witnessed a Communist
revolution against capitalism and imperialism by a
small corps of professional revolutionaries, 2011 has
witnessed a mass, leaderless revolution facilitated by
telecommunications, and in the case of the key Middle
East, inspired by Islam.
There is no Lenin, not even a Gamal Abdel-Nasser, the
one Arab leader who managed to slow down the imperial
steamroller in the Middle East and is still revered
for his defiance. Unlike Communist revolutionaries of
yore, the new leaders in the Middle East of what must
be called the Islamic revolution of 2011 are not the
object of veneration, something that Islam as a
religion warns against.
Revolutions always start in the weakest links. Thus,
the Middle East has a head start on the revolutionary
process over the West, though through the growing
Palestinian solidarity movement, notably the global
Boycott Divestment and Sanctions campaign, the
struggles East and West are increasingly seen to be
one and the same. What will be the decisive test for
the new revolutionaries in the Middle East and the
West itself is how well they can navigate the
political shoals and landmines laid by a century of
empire.
How to dismantle apartheid Israel without it
unleashing nuclear war on the world? How to put an end
to US world financial blackmail centred on the dollar
without the US strategists taking everyone else down
with them? While the empire is on the defensive, it is
still powerful and as its star wanes, it will only
become more lethal.
The foes of empire are popping up faster than the
empire's drones can knock them off. They are found not
only in Arab (and Persian) lands, or even in a
sceptical Russia and still-Communist China . As the
links in the system continue to fray, they are
increasingly in the heart of the empire itself.
Americans and Europeans will continue to develop
alternatives to empire, financially, economically and
politically, in their own communities and continue to
link up with their comrades-against-arms in the heart
of the supposed enemy in Eurasia.
More and more Americans are involved in co-ops,
worker-owned companies and other alternatives to the
capitalism. Some 130 million Americans are part owners
of co-op businesses and credit unions. As Obama cuts
funding to states, the latter consider establishing
their own banks and use public pensions to fund state
economic development.
There is a wealth of expertise in the "heartland" of
the empire that can help show the whole world the way
out of the imperial deadend. The new generation in
America lacks the Cold War paranoia about socialism:
Americans under 30 years old are "essentially evenly
divided" as to whether they preferred "capitalism" or
"socialism", according to a 2009 Rasmussen poll.
Even as the world environment degrades, even as
imperial arms continue to kill, maim and choke
demonstrators and insurgents both at the heart of the
empire and in the heart of the "enemy", we can take
heart in the new sense of human dignity which 2011
spawned, and fight the intrigues of empire with new
vigour in 2012.