Forget Iran, It's Israel's Nuclear Gun
Pointed At Obama's Head: The Myth Of The US-Israel
Special Bond
13 September 2012
By Jonathan Cook
It is possibly the greatest of American political
myths, repeated ad nauseam by presidential candidates
in their election campaigns. President Barack Obama
has claimed that the United States enjoys a special
bond with Israel unlike its relations with any other
country. He has called the friendship "unshakeable",
"enduring" and "unique", "anchored by our common
interests and deeply held values".
His Republican rival, Mitt Romney, has gone further,
arguing that there is not "an inch of difference
between ourselves and our ally Israel". A recent
Romney election ad, highlighting his summer visit to
Israel, extolled the "deep and cherished
relationship".
But, while such pronouncements form the basis of an
apparent Washington consensus, the reality is that the
cherished friendship is no more than a fairy tale. It
has been propagated by politicians to mask the
suspicion -- and plentiful examples of duplicity and
betrayal -- that have marked the relationship since
Israel's founding.
Politicians may prefer to express undying love for
Israel, and hand over billions of dollars annually in
aid, but the US security establishment has -- at
least, in private -- always regarded Israel as an
unfaithful partner.
The distrust has been particularly hard to hide in
relation to Iran. Israel has been putting relentless
pressure on Washington, apparently in the hope of
manoeuvring it into supporting or joining an attack on
Tehran to stop what Israel claims is an Iranian effort
to build a nuclear bomb concealed beneath its civilian
energy programme.
While coverage has focused on the personal animosity
between Obama and the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin
Netanyahu, the truth is that US officials generally
are deeply at odds with Israel on this issue.
The conflict burst into the open this month with
reports that the Pentagon had scaled back next month's
joint military exercise, Austere Challenge, with the
Israeli military that had been billed as the largest
and most significant in the two countries' history.
The goal of the exercise was to test the readiness of
Israel's missile-defence shield in case of Iranian
reprisals -- possibly the biggest fear holding Israel
back from launching a go-it-alone attack. The
Pentagon's main leverage on Israel is its X-band
radar, stationed in Israel but operated exclusively by
a US crew, that would provide Israel with early
warning of Iranian missiles.
A senior Israeli military official told Time magazine
what message the Pentagon's rethink had conveyed:
"Basically what the Americans are saying is, 'We don't
trust you'."
But discord between the two "unshakeable allies" is
not limited to Iran. Antipathy has been the norm for
decades. Over the summer, current and former CIA
officials admitted that the US security establishment
has always regarded Israel as its number one
counter-intelligence threat in the Middle East.
The most infamous spy working on Israel's behalf was
Jonathan Pollard, a naval intelligence officer who
passed thousands of classified documents to Israel in
the 1980s. Israel's repeated requests for his release
have been a running sore with the Pentagon, not least
because defence officials regard promises that Israel
would never again operate spies on US soil as
insincere.
At least two more spies have been identified in the
past few years. In 2008 a former US army engineer,
Ben-Ami Kadish, admitted that he had allowed Israeli
agents to photograph secret documents about US fighter
jets and nuclear weapons in the 1980s. And in 2006
Lawrence Franklin, a US defence official, was
convicted of passing classified documents to Israel
concerning Iran.
In fact, such betrayals were assumed by Washington
from the start of the relationship. In Israel's early
years, a US base in Cyprus monitored Israeli
activities; today, Israeli communications are
intercepted by a team of Hebrew linguists stationed at
Fort Meade, Maryland.
Documents released this month by the Israeli air force
archives also reveal that Israel eventually identified
mysterious high-altitude planes that overflew its
territory throughout the 1950s as American U-2
espionage planes.
In a sign of continuing US caution, Israel has not
been included in the coterie of countries with which
Washington shares sensitive intelligence. The members
of the "Five Eyes" group, consisting of the US,
Britain, Australia, Canada and New Zealand, have
promised not to spy on each other -- a condition
Israel would have regularly flouted were it a member.
Indeed, Israel has even stolen the identities of
nationals from these countries to assist in Mossad
operations. Most notoriously, Israel forged passports
to smuggle Israeli agents into Dubai in 2010 to
assassinate Hamas leader Mahmoud Al Mabhouh.
Israel is far from a trusted ally in the US "war on
terror". A former intelligence official told the
Associated Press in July that Israel ranked lower than
Libya in a list of countries helping to fight
terrorism compiled by the Bush administration after
September 11.
So why all the talk of a special bond if the
relationship is characterised by such deep mistrust?
Part of the answer lies in the formidably intimidating
tactics of the pro-Israel lobby in Washington. Thomas
Friedman, the New York Times columnist, spoke for a
growing number of observers last year when he wrote
that the US Congress was effectively "bought and paid
for" by Israel's lobbyists.
That power was all too evident last week when the
Democratic national convention adopted an amended
policy designating Jerusalem as Israel's capital, in
opposition to both international law and the vocal
wishes of delegates.
But there is another, less spoken-of reason. Francis
Perrin, the head of the French Atomic Agency in the
1950s and 1960s, when France was helping Israel
develop a nuclear weapon against the wishes of the US,
once observed that the Israeli bomb was really "aimed
against the Americans".
Not because Israel wanted to attack the US, but
because it realised that -- once it possessed the only
nuclear arsenal in the Middle East -- the US would
rarely risk standing in its way, however much its
policies ran counter to US interests.
For that reason, if no other, Israel is determined to
stop any rival, including Iran, from getting a nuclear
weapon that would end its monopoly.
Jonathan Cook won the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize
for Journalism. His latest books are "Israel and the
Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to
Remake the Middle East" (Pluto Press) and
"Disappearing Palestine: Israel's Experiments in Human
Despair" (Zed Books). His website is www.jkcook.net.
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