Why Kuwait? Reform And Development And
Freedom Inalienable Rights
04 November 2012
By Mshari Al-Zaydi
The activities of the Kuwaiti
opposition preceded the so-called Arab Spring.
The exhausting confrontation between the Kuwaiti
government and parliament is not a new phenomenon, nor
is this a product of the Arab Spring. Sheikh Nasser
al-Mohammed al-Sabah was first appointed prime
minister in February 2006, whilst his government
resigned for the 6th time due to opposition pressure
on November 2011.
What is new is the employment of the "atmosphere"
of the Arab – Muslim Brotherhood "Spring" in the
domestic Kuwaiti battle, which has its own particular
nature based on the country's special circumstances.
In the last mobilization against the Sheikh Nasser
al-Mohammed al-Sabah government in 2011, which
coincided with revolutionary slogans begin raised in
Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia and Libya, a new slogan that had
previously not been present in the Kuwait political
lexicon was raised, demonstrating the impact of the
Arab Spring atmosphere. This slogan was evidence of an
attempt to exploit the momentum of the Arab Spring in
Kuwait. The slogan that I am talking about is the
"depart" slogan, which was said to Mubarak in Egypt,
Ben Ali in Tunisia, and others. Take notice, dear
reader, that the confrontation between parliament and
the opposition – backed by the street – is a precedent
in every case of the Arab – Muslim Brotherhood Spring.
However this Arab Spring phenomenon has been added in
Kuwait [to previous demonstration], in an attempt to
affix the Kuwaiti case to the Arab Spring phenomenon
as a whole, in one way or another.
This is something that is permissible in politics
and propaganda, for this is the nature of things.
However the issue that raises questions amongst
observers today is: why has the Kuwaiti situation been
activated now? Why are we seeing this activity in
Kuwait today when the Arab Spring has been exchanged
for a Muslim Brotherhood Spring, particularly in Egypt
and Tunisia? This is something that the
revolutionaries themselves have attested to, feeling
bitterness and disappointment regarding the
Brotherhood's lust for power, particularly now that
the Islamists real agenda has been exposed, which is
something that was buried under the sands of the
revolutionary march.
Some supporters of the Kuwaiti opposition argue
that the role of the Muslim Brotherhood and followers
of political Islam in Kuwait is being exaggerated,
citing the names of numerous prominent Kuwait figures
and MPs who are definitely not Brotherhood supporters
in any way shape or form. This is true. However in
Egypt, the novelist Alaa Al Aswany and the left-wing
activist George Isaac were amongst the strongest
revolutionary voices thundering against the Mubarak
regime, and nobody can claim that they are Brotherhood
supporters. In fact, during this time, the Brotherhood
were far less vocal and visible than such figures.
However the question that must be asked here is: where
were Al Aswany and Isaac when it came to reap the
rewards of the revolution?
But why is this happening in Kuwait now? Why has
the international Muslim Brotherhood organization
rushed to promote and support what is happening there,
from all across the world?
This is a difficult question, but very briefly let
me say that this is perhaps due to a lack of funds and
the difficulty of financially administrating Arab
Spring states that are dominated by the Brotherhood,
particularly Egypt and Tunisia, and lately Yemen.
These are countries that are experiencing difficult
economic times, whilst the Gulf region would be a
treasure trove for them, as previously analyzed by
writer Mamoun Fandy in this newspaper.
Looking at the map [of the Gulf], Bahrain is not
tempting because it is not the richest state, whilst
its Brotherhood are allied with the regime against the
Shiite onslaught. As for the UAE, it is ready and
vigilant against any Brotherhood encroachment, and you
need only listen to the rhetoric of [Dubai Police
Chief] General Dahi Khalfan to be assured of this. As
for Qatar, this is already hand in glove with the
Brotherhood. Whilst Saudi Arabia is complex and
difficult, this would require extremely precise
calculations, and it is enough to note that it is the
land of the Two Holy Mosques and enjoys a strong
international political presence. Oman, as is its
nature, is away from all such clamor. Therefore, the
only country that remains is Kuwait, which is rich and
democratic and currently hosting numerous political
hot potatoes, whilst there is also a long-standing
political and social Muslim Brotherhood presence
there.
Who knows…perhaps this is part of a bigger plan.
However the awakening of the Kuwaiti "state", and its
latest resoluteness, may deny many of these
aspirations, which are outside of the boundaries of
the usual Kuwaiti demands for reform. Reform and
development and freedom of speech are inalienable
rights, not something that can be bestowed. However
this is another issue, outside of what we are trying
to understand here.
To conclude: everybody is doing what they can,
whilst at the end of the day, it is the worthy issues
that remain.
A Saudi journalist and expert on Islamic movements
and Islamic fundamentalism as well as Saudi affairs.
Mshari is Asharq Al-Awsat's opinion page Editor, where
he also contributes a weekly column. Has worked for
the local Saudi press occupying several posts at Al -Madina
newspaper amongst others. He has been a guest on
numerous news and current affairs programs as an
expert on Islamic extremism.