The Corrosive Effects Of The National-Security State: It's Long Past Time To Dismantle It
04 January 2013
By Jacob G. Hornberger
Last Sunday besieged Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad
delivered a public speech at which he condemned the
Syrians who are trying to oust him from power as
"murderous criminals" and "terrorists." According to a
Syrian shopkeeper quoted in a New York Times article
about the speech, Assad "divided Syrians in two camps,
one with him who are patriots and one against him who
are criminals, terrorists and radicals."
If Assad were to take a lie-detector test in which he
was asked whether he really, truly believes these
allegations, I have no doubt that he would pass the
test with flying colors. In his mind, he is defending
the nation and national security from the likes of
criminals and terrorists.
Yesterday, I wrote about the fascinating case of Lynne
Stewart, the New York City lawyer who was convicted of
supporting terrorists by reading a note from her
client that supposedly exhorted Egyptians to violently
overthrow their government.
If the federal prosecutors and federal judges, both
trial and appellate, in Stewart's case were to be
given a lie-detector test in which they were asked
whether they really, truly believed that 73-year-old
Stewart was, in fact, a supporter of terrorism, I have
no doubt they too would pass the test with flying
colors. In their minds, by prosecuting, convicting,
and sentencing Stewart to serve 10 years in jail, they
too consider themselves patriots who are defending the
nation and national security from the likes of
criminals and terrorists.
Yet, what was the difference between the Egyptian
regime that Stewart was convicted of trying to
forcibly overthrow and the Syrian regime that the
Syrian people are trying to overthrow?
No difference at all.
For one thing, both Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian
dictator, and Assad, the Syrian dictator, refused to
stand for election. But that's not what made them so
tyrannical and oppressive. After all, it is entirely
possible for an unelected dictator to be benign and to
treat his citizenry nicely.
What characterized both the Egyptian and Syrian
dictatorships was their extreme brutality and
ruthlessness, enforced, of course, by their respective
militaries, police forces, and intelligence agencies.
It was primarily that brutality that ultimately drove
Egyptians and Syrians to oppose their respective
regimes.
It's not surprising that both dictatorships looked
upon their opponents as criminals and terrorists. In
the minds of the dictators and their minions, the
brutality did not constitute tyranny and oppression.
It was instead considered to be a necessary measure to
protect national security, to keep the nation safe and
secure, and to maintain order and stability.
Unfortunately, what is also not surprising is that
U.S. officials would adopt the same mindset as the
Egyptian and Syrian dictatorships. It's just another
horrible example of what the embrace of the
national-security state has done to the American
people.
I have previously written about how the
national-security state has stultified the consciences
of the American people, including American Christians.
For more than 20 years, the military and the CIA have
been killing hundreds of thousands of people,
including children, in Iraq, Afghanistan, Yemen,
Pakistan, and elsewhere, with sanctions, embargoes,
undeclared wars, invasions, and occupations, and, most
recently, through a program of systematic
extra-judicial assassination.
With the exception of libertarians and a few liberals,
no one cares. Nary a thought or a prayer has ever been
offered for any of those victims, much less any call
for inquiries into why they were killed. It's just
naturally assumed that the national-security state
knows what it's doing. The American people have
rendered their consciences to Caesar. If the
national-security state feels that people need to be
killed, so be it. Conscience is abandoned in favor of
meek submission to the omnipotent authority of the
national-security state.
As the Stewart case shows, the national-security state
has also had a horrible corrosive effect on federal
prosecutors and the federal judiciary. It's clear that
the prosecutors and the judges in the Stewart case
really do believe that this 73-year-old woman, who had
a brilliant career as a criminal-defense lawyer, is a
super-bad, unpatriotic American, who betrayed her
country by supporting overseas terrorists. The thought
that she, at worst, was guilty of reading a note that
supposedly exhorted foreign people suffering under
tyranny to violently overthrow their brutal military
dictatorship, something that the American Declaration
of Independence says that everyone in the world has
the right to do, obviously doesn't even enter the
minds of the prosecutors and the federal judges. All
that matters to them is that she was supposedly
exhorting people to take up arms against a loyal
friend and ally of the U.S. government.
What if Stewart had exhorted Syrians, rather than
Egyptians, to overthrow their dictatorship? Would
federal prosecutors and federal judges still consider
her a bad, unpatriotic American?
The answer would depend on exactly when she did the
exhorting. If she did it today, no problem. That's
what U.S. officials are doing right now — exhorting
the Syrian people to violently overthrow their
government, the same thing that they say that Stewart
did with respect to the Egyptian dictatorship.
But what if Stewart had exhorted Syrians to violently
overthrow their government back in 2002 — that is,
around the time she was supposedly exhorting Egyptians
to violently overthrow their government?
The answer would then be completely different. In that
case, federal prosecutors and federal judges would
view her in the same way they view her today — as an
anti-American supporter of terrorists.
Why the difference?
In 2002, the U.S. national-security state entered into
its rendition-torture partnership with the Assad
dictatorship to take custody of Canadian citizen Maher
Arar and torture him on behalf of the U.S. government.
Of course, we still don't know all the details of how
that partnership came into existence or what the terms
of it were, given that the U.S. mainstream press has
never pressed the U.S. government to disclose them.
What we do know is that Arar was tortured for a year
notwithstanding the fact that he turned out to be
innocent.
What we also know is that the rendition-torture
partnership between the U.S. national-security state
and the Syrian national-security state in 2002 was no
different in principle from the rendition-torture
partnership that was entered into between the U.S.
government and the Egyptian dictatorship sometime
around 2003. Such being the case, there is no way that
U.S. officials would have countenanced any American
citizen's exhorting citizens of Syria to overthrow a
U.S. government rendition-torture partner any more
than it countenanced Stewart for supposedly exhorting
Egyptians to overthrow the Egyptian dictatorship.
Of course, it's not the only example of the corrosive
effects of the national-security state on the American
people. Consider Iran, where the U.S. government
installed the shah of Iran into power, trained his
secret police force in the art of torture and
oppression, and helped the Iranian dictatorship
brutally tyrannize the Iranian people for some 25
years, until they finally revolted against the
U.S.-supported tyranny in 1979.
But U.S. officials didn't get it. They didn't see the
shah's regime as tyrannical, any more than they saw
the Mubarak regime as tyrannical. It was instead a
pro-U.S. regime, one that was just protecting national
security, keeping the nation safe, and maintaining
order and stability. In the minds of U.S. officials,
it was the Iranian revolutionaries who were criminals
and terrorists — precisely the way that Assad views
the revolutionaries in Syria.
In 1947 the national-security state was formally
brought into existence in the United States, in order
to face the supposed threat from the U.S. government's
World War II partner, friend, and ally, the Soviet
Union. In 1989, the Soviet Union collapsed. Given the
end of the Cold War and the horrible, corrosive damage
to moral principles and American values that the
national-security state has done to our nation, it's
long past time to dismantle it and toss it into the
dustbin of history.
Jacob G. Hornberger is founder and president of The
Future of Freedom Foundation. He was born and raised
in Laredo, Texas, and received his B.A. in economics
from Virginia Military Institute and his law degree
from the University of Texas. He was a trial attorney
for twelve years in Texas. He also was an adjunct
professor at the University of Dallas, where he taught
law and economics. In 1987, Mr. Hornberger left the
practice of law to become director of programs at the
Foundation for Economic Education. He has advanced
freedom and free markets on talk-radio stations all
across the country as well as on Fox News' Neil Cavuto
and Greta van Susteren shows and he appeared as a
regular commentator on Judge Andrew Napolitano's show
Freedom Watch. View these interviews at
LewRockwell.com and from Full Context. Send him email.
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