Israeli Apartheid: The Military, Political, And Moral Danger Of Ignoring This
18 March 2013
By Osman Mirghani
They yelled: "Dirty Arab. You want a state? Is that
what you want?" Then they began to beat up the
Palestinian worker, who later told the press about how
he was attacked by a group of around twenty young Jews
while he was working in Tel Aviv. A few days later,
another Palestinian was attacked by eight Jewish
youths while going for a walk with his wife, and when
police arrested four of the suspects they found that
two of them had also participated in the first attack
in Tel Aviv.
The Israeli press focused on these two stories not
because they were isolated incidents, but because they
came at a time of growing physical and verbal attacks
on Palestinians—committed by groups of ultra-orthodox
Jews, and increasing attempts to create a racial
divide between the two peoples. These attempts include
measures to prevent Palestinians from riding public
buses on some routes, after Jewish settlers complained
that their presence constituted a security risk. The
Israeli authorities have complied with the desires of
these settlers and last week began running buses
especially for Palestinian workers traveling from the
West Bank into Israel for work. This move was warmly
welcomed by a number of residents of the Israeli
settlements, but created widespread controversy and
was criticized by a number of writers and commentators
in the Israeli media, drawing comparisons with the
practices of the white minority in the days of
Apartheid rule in South Africa.
It is ridiculous that the Israeli ministry of
transport claimed that allocating separate buses to
the Palestinians was a move to improve their travel
conditions, on the grounds that they are greatly
inconvenienced when traveling on bus routes
transporting Jews from the Jewish settlements in the
West Bank, and are forced to wait on the highway
because they are forbidden from entering the
settlements. This flagrant attempt to cover up for
racism did not convince the Israeli human rights
organization B'Tselem, which described the move as "a
revolting plan", noting that the Palestinian workers
have security clearances entitling them to work in
Israel. According to a spokesperson from the
organization, "This is simply racism. Such a plan
cannot be justified with claims of security needs or
overcrowding."
The Israeli newspaper Haaretz also wrote an editorial
refuting the Israeli transport ministry's claims, and
described the procedures as "another manifestation of
a regime based on discrimination and segregation". The
newspaper went on to confirm that the allocation of
special buses to transport Palestinian workers is
"part of a more principled separation between the
populations that is expressed in almost every area: In
the allocation of areas for residential construction,
in the different legal systems, in the unequitable
distribution of resources and in discriminatory travel
regulations." The editorial concluded by calling on
Netanyahu to immediately order a halt to this racist
segregation.
These comments, which of course were attacked by
Jewish extremists and labeled a campaign from the
Israeli left, reflect the tense atmosphere that has
resulted from the escalation of racist attacks against
Palestinians, including the 1948 Arabs, or the Arab
Israelis as they are called. The Palestinian and
Israeli media, and sometimes Arab and international
news outlets, have reported many stories about the
targeting of Palestinians at a time when the Israeli
extreme right is growing in stature, and the influence
of settlers is expanding, having recently been
described as the most powerful lobby group in Israel.
One particular story that was circulated a lot on the
internet and in the media, with an accompanying set of
pictures, was that of a young Palestinian woman in
Jerusalem who was assaulted at the hands of a group of
Jewish youths, who intended to beat her and remove her
veil. When she tried to resist, one of them told her:
"Never raise your hand to a Jew", according to an eye
witness account. Within a few days, the media had
reported many similar stories about attacks on
Palestinians, both men and women, who were either
beaten, pelted with stones, spat at, or subjected to
racist chants calling on them to leave. Pictures and
video recordings were also posted documenting bus
drivers refusing to admit Palestinians and demanding
them to get off.
What is striking in the statements and comments of the
Israeli police is the claim that these attacks were
motivated by "nationalism". This term has been used as
an attempt to cover up the correct assessment of what
happened, namely racist attacks that reflect growing
feelings of hostility and the constant atmosphere of
enmity. Although this is nothing new, the atmosphere
is growing with the spread of the extreme right and
the rising voice and influence of settlers and
religious fanatics. However some try to blur the
facts, it is hard to deny that Israel—with these
practices—is seeking to building another buffer wall
to divide itself from the Palestinians. Of course,
this is in addition to the concrete wall that is
already in place, which Israel spent millions on and
proceeded to construct for years, still continuing to
work on additional areas. This is all an attempt to
deepen the physical and psychological division between
them and the Palestinians, and this goes further even
than the Apartheid regime in South Africa.
Amid such an atmosphere it is not surprising that talk
is increasing about the possibility of an explosion of
anger in the Palestinian territories and the outbreak
of a third intifada. This may be the strongest and
fiercest uprising yet in light of the current
situation, the sense of frustration, and no view of
peace on the horizon. The Palestinians may draw
inspiration from the scenes of demonstrations and
clashes that have dominated their television screens
every day since the beginning of the Arab Spring. They
may also find support from highly charged and
frustrated youths of the Arab Spring states. The
situation in the region at the moment is like
quicksand, with the proliferation of arms in the hands
of many groups, and the presence of many parties that
may see the ignition of a Palestinian uprising as a
chance to escape from their internal crises.
Obama, coming to the region next week for talks in
Israel and Ramallah, may not come to listen, as was
the case with new US Secretary of State John Kerry,
and he may not come with any new impetus to mobilize
the stalled peace efforts. However, if he keeps his
eyes open on the ground he will see the suffering of
the Palestinians, and he cannot help but realize the
military, political, and moral danger of ignoring
this.