It is not too early to say now, after the recent
succession of unfortunate events, that President Mursi
and the Muslim Brotherhood are facing a real dilemma.
The elections have been postponed by order of the
judiciary, while civil disobedience continues in Port
Said, as private property and government offices are
burned down. Clashes and skirmishes have also spread
to other cities in the Delta—Mansoura and Mahalla—and
more dangerous than all this, police factions have
rebelled and begun to join the protests. This
worsening situation is exacerbated by the failed and
fragmented Egyptian opposition, united only by their
opposition to the president. A segment of this
opposition is clearly dishonest; aiming to thwart the
rule of the Muslim Brotherhood even if they ignite the
whole country in doing so, supported by an intoxicated
media force that delivers more painful blows to an
already severely strained situation, laughing
sardonically at the confusion of the president and his
fragile government.
This is a real dilemma, because with regards to the
security deterioration, the president is facing two
bitter solutions: Firstly, he could adopt a strict and
firm approach to security by using live ammunition
against the thugs and vandals who are attacking public
and private property, some of whom carry weapons. This
is the solution advocated by some supporters of the
president and his Islamist allies, and this is also
the demand of a significant portion of the people who
are growing tired at the continuing unrest and
protests that have contributed to the deterioration of
the economic situation, the decline in currency, and
rising prices.
This solution involves significant risk because using
force will pour more fuel on the already burning fire,
potentially accelerating the country's downfall into a
spiral of violence and counter attacks. If a security
officer shot dead one thug on the street, would the
deceased turn into a martyr or national hero? Would we
hear people ask "what crime did he commit that he
deserved to die?" And then, what if the death toll
turned into the dozens and hundreds?
The second solution, and this is what has so far been
adopted by the president and his advisory team, is as
follows: To exercise the highest degree of restraint
towards violence and attacks on private and public
property, and not to use arms against the perpetrators
of these offences. This solution, although it appears
humane and wise, also has serious side effects. It
means more insecurity, a decline in the prestige of
the ruler, and the further deterioration of the
economic situation. If the people are not fed when
they are hungry, and not protected when they are
scared, then they will pay little attention to a
ruler's kindness, humanity, and humility, even if he
lives in a modest rented apartment.
Certainly, Egypt is a complex state with remnants and
collaborators who are actively seeking to undermine
the president and his group, and distort the role they
are playing in what is happening. This fact however
does not diminish the other side of the coin, namely
that those who are objecting, protesting, and
demonstrating are not all remnants or conspirators.
The opposition includes a segment that does not have
an affiliation and voted for Mursi not out of
appreciation for him but out of hatred for Shafiq.
This particular segment, if it does not find the
president doing what he was elected for, will quickly
shift into an opposition and this is what is happening
now. This explains the declining popularity of the
president, because of dissatisfaction towards his
style of governance.
The president and the Brotherhood have no choice but
to accommodate various forces and engage with them in
governance, regardless of the degree of their
animosity towards them. It is not true that these are
the demands of the National Salvation Front alone,
even some Salafis and independents—who tipped the
balance in Mursi's victory over Shafiq—have now begun
to demand a real and honest expansion in government
participation, to pull the country out of its current
impasse. The participation of the opposition groups in
power will not only clip their sharp claws, it will
mean that everyone plays a part in the government's
success or failure, rather than one faction alone.
Dr. Hamad Al-Majid is
a journalist and former member of the official Saudi
National Organization for Human Rights. Al-Majid is a
graduate of Imam Muhammad Bin Saud Islamic University
in Riyadh and holds an M.A. from California and a
Doctorate from the University of Hull in the United
Kingdom.
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