The ISIS Equation: Facing An Organization That Confuses Regional And International Equations For Many Years To Come
08 September 2014
By Osman Mirghani
The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is a riddle
wrapped in an enigma. Everything about it is
mysterious, from its emergence and organization to its
leader, the so-called "Caliph" Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi,
not to mention its strange, rapid expansion. According
to figures provided by the intelligence community,
ISIS fighters number between 12,000 and 15,000, while
the group has been able to overtake an area larger
than Kuwait and Lebanon combined within a period of
just a few months. ISIS is in control of vast
territories, stretching between Syria and Iraq,
including oil fields and a strategically important
dam. The militants roam this area freely, inciting
terror, levying taxes and expelling members of
minority communities. ISIS poses a threat to both
Baghdad and Erbil and has turned the political
equation inside and outside the region on its head.
All of a sudden, ISIS is dominating the headlines,
overshadowing all other events. The group's gains in
Iraq have diverted attention away from the Gaza War,
taking pressure off Israel which has come under
international criticism over the massacres and
destruction wreaked in the Gaza Strip.
ISIS may have taken advantage of the world's
preoccupation with the events in Gaza to extend its
presence in Iraq and Syria, but it also provided an
unwitting service to Israel by diverting the world's
attention away from the massacre of Palestinian
civilians to the massacre of Iraq's Christian and
Yazidi communities.
Ironically, ISIS turned the political equations upside
down in Iraq as well. After being deemed responsible
for all the tragedies that befell Iraq since its 2003
invasion, the US is facing increasing calls to
intervene militarily in Iraq to stop the advance of
ISIS. Even the outgoing Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri Al-Maliki
appealed to Washington to intervene. This is the same
Maliki who had earlier opposed and refused to sign a
security agreement with the US as part of the
arrangement for the withdrawal of US forces from Iraq.
After some hesitation, Washington accepted that it
would have to carry out limited airstrikes, not in
support of Maliki but because ISIS's advance had
started to pose a threat to other countries in the
region, including exacerbating the already complicated
situation in Syria. Washington and many, inside and
outside Iraq, believe that Maliki has failed to manage
a vital phase in Iraq's history, widening the
sectarian gap and inflaming the political and security
situation.
Maliki today is paying the price for his mistakes.
ISIS, which benefited from his mistakes, has
contributed to his downfall. Its rapid expansion led
to a consensus regarding the importance of replacing
Maliki, while his successor prime minister-designate
Haider Al-Abadi has found support from Maliki's former
allies, including Iran. Tehran announced its support
of the constitutional process that has seen the
nomination of a prime minister-designate other than
Maliki and thus Tehran found itself, inexplicably,
standing on the same side as Washington.
Another irony is that ISIS's presence resulted in the
US and Iran working to achieve the same military
objectives, namely curbing the group's expansion.
There are reports suggesting that Iran sent some 500
Quds Force fighters to Baghdad in June in order to
help stop the ISIS advance. While the US sent around
150 military experts this week to Kurdistan in order
to "assess" the situation and assist in the training
of the Kurdish Peshmerga forces. This included
training on the use of the new advanced military
equipment provided by Washington in response to ISIS
militants seizing sophisticated weapons and equipment
left behind by retreating Iraqi forces.
Washington, as part of its military return to Iraq, is
trying to address another mistake resulting from its
previous operations in Iraq. ISIS originally emerged
from the rubble of the Al-Qaeda in Iraq organization
and the cells that grew following the death of Emir
Abu Musab Al-Zarqawi in a US operation in 2006, as
well as the deaths of other prominent Al-Qaeda leaders
in an airstrike in 2010. The Islamic State of Iraq
emerged from this chaotic situation, and later changed
its name to include Syria, becoming the ISIS that we
know today. ISIS has most recently sought to change
its name again following the announcement of its
Islamic State, with many Western media outlets now
designating the group simply as the Islamic State.
What is even more surprising is that ISIS leader Abu
Bakr Al-Baghdadi's ascent to power is the result of
another US "mistake" that Washington is now trying to
deal with. In a New York Times article entitled US
Actions in Iraq Fueled Rise of a Rebel published on
August 10, a Pentagon source said that US forces
arrested Baghdadi in 2004 during an operation in
Fallujah. Baghdadi, at the time, was not a big player
in Iraq and the US simply registered his name and
processed him; the Pentagon official said that there
was no way that they could have guessed he would rise
to such prominence. So not only did he slip through US
fingers, but he also used the US, and particularly
America's presence in Iraq, to rise. "At every turn,
Mr. Baghdadi's rise has been shaped by the United
States' involvement in Iraq," the New York Times
article said.
One may also argue that Baghdadi benefited from the
West's confused handling of the Syrian crisis and its
failure to unite the fragmented rebel factions. As a
result he was able to take over vast swathes of land
and attract even more fighters, expanding his
operations even further.
It is difficult to gamble on ISIS's internal collapse.
So long as no one is willing to fight ISIS seriously,
we may face an organization that confuses regional and
international equations for many years to come.
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