Rapid U.S. Muslim Assimilation Continues Alongside Rapid Muslim Immigration
02 August 2017By DAVID BIER
Pew Research Center surveys of American Muslims have consistently shown a
trend toward growing acceptance of mainstream American views, as I have
written before. Pew's latest poll reveals the same pattern as those in the
past. Despite the most hostile political environment for Muslims in many
decades, U.S. Muslims continue to adopt the social views of other Americans.
Over the latest decade, the share of Muslim immigrants and their children has
grown by 60 percent, from 1.7 million in 2007 to 2.6 million in 2017. The
share of third generation or more Muslims has actually fallen from 28 percent
in 2007 to 24 percent in 2017, which indicates that Muslim immigrants are
taking part in this shift toward more liberal views. Muslim immigration, which
is large in relative terms, is not retarding Muslim assimilation.
Perhaps the most notable shift revealed in the Pew data is the change in
Muslim American opinion toward homosexuality. The share that reports society
should accept homosexuality has nearly doubled in 10 years from 27 percent in
2007 to 52 percent in 2017. As Figure 2 shows, 61 percent of U.S. Muslims in
2007 supported "discouraging" homosexuality. Since then, this share has fallen
almost in half, dropping from 61 percent to 33 percent. As I have discussed
before, 87 percent of Muslims in Pew polls in non-U.S. countries oppose the
toleration of homosexuality, which indicates a rapid change in views.
Muslim Americans are simply not the fundamentalists that certain critics
portray them to be. Pew found that almost two-thirds of Muslims stated a
belief that there is "more than one true way to interpret the teachings of my
religion." This share has risen somewhat over the last decade, while the
general public share has fallen slightly to the point where there is no
statistical difference between the two groups on this issue. Unfortunately,
the most recent Pew survey did not repeat a question it asked in 2007 and 2011
about whether more than one religion can lead to eternal life, but as I
reported before, the trends were moving in the liberal direction.
This assimilation process is likely associated with the growing integration of
Muslims into society. According to Pew, 95 percent of Muslims have non-Muslim
friends, compared to 88 percent in 2007 (Figure 4). Moreover, there is now a
large majority that say that most of their friends are non-Muslim—up 12
percentage points since 2007.
The most important question for many people, however, is their support for
intentional violence against civilians—or terrorism. In past polls, Pew asked
a different question about support for violence against civilians in defense
of Islam. In this poll, they asked a more general question to allow for
comparison between Muslim and non-Muslim responses. It reveals that three
quarters of Muslim Americans think it is never permissible to target and kill
civilians for a political, social, or religious cause—17 percentage points
higher than the general public (Figure 5). Muslims and the general public were
roughly equal in their support for such violence "sometimes" or "often."
This poll confirms the findings of a 2011 poll by Gallup, which asked two very
similar questions—one was whether it can be justified for "an individual
person or a small group of persons to target and kill civilians" and the other
"for the military." U.S. Muslims were again by far the most opposed to such
violence in either scenario. The results in the Pew poll are most similar to
the Gallup results for the military scenario. This could indicate that Muslims
and the general public were thinking of that scenario, or it could be that
Muslims are assimilating Americans' more permissive attitudes to civilian
killings.
One reason why Muslim Americans are less likely to support violence against
civilians is because Muslims worldwide are the most likely victims of
terrorism and misguided military interventions. For this reason, they are much
more resistant to the idea of exceptions to the normal moral impulse against
this type of killing. A substantial portion of the U.S. Muslim population were
refugees and personally targeted for persecution and violence. More than
300,000 Muslims have entered as refugees since 2002, when U.S. interventions
in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia led to, as my colleagues' recent paper
explains, a rise in civilian deaths and more terrorist activity.
This could imply to some that Muslims are less patriotic, since people
sometimes wrongly conflate patriotism with support for government policies. My
colleague Alex Nowrasteh calls this phenomenon "patriotic correctness." But
Muslim Americans apparently can separate government policies and their
devotion to their country. They are even more proud to be Americans than the
general public—66 percent "completely agree" with the statement "I am proud to
be an American" compared to 60 percent of the general public. Only 6 percent
disagree compared to 7 percent of the general public. Muslim Americans are
patriotic, just not patriotically correct.
Whenever I have written about Muslim polling, some people tell me that we
cannot believe Muslims because they have a religious concept called "Taqiyya"
that compels them to lie. First of all, Taqiyya is mainly a Shia Muslim
concept—which account for just 15 percent of U.S. Muslims—and it justifies
lying only "where there is overwhelming danger of loss of life or property and
where no danger to religion would occur thereby." Moreover, the tradition of
justified lying in both Sunni and Shia Islam state that there is no obligation
to lie even in the face of persecution. Like Christians, Muslims also
celebrate martyrs who refused to recant under threat.
Moreover, some Jewish and Christian traditions both occasionally celebrate
noble acts of deception—for example, the Egyptian midwives protecting Jewish
children, Rahab protecting the Israeli spies at Jericho, and Elisha protecting
Israel from invasion. Last month, Muslims and Christians collaboratively used
this defensive use of deception to allow Filipino Christians to escape Islamic
militants.
Regardless, the thoroughly unfalsifiable theory that Muslims are lying to
pollsters cannot explain the facts. For example, if the "right answer" on
homosexuality is obvious, why are their deceptive answers not "better" than
other Americans? This theory also fails to explain why they have suddenly
become more willing to lie today than 10 years ago and why they are less
likely to "lie" to Pew and Gallup researchers in the United States than
anywhere else in the world.
The Taqiyya excuse to dismiss valid polling on Muslims appears more like
intellectual laziness or simply bigotry than a serious social science theory.
Throughout history, people pushed similar theories about lying and
untrustworthy Jews, perhaps most famously Protestant leader Martin Luther. It
is hardly surprising that the same thing happens today with a similarly small
minority in the United States, but it's just as wrong.
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