Yemen: End Of Marriage Of Convenience! The Interests Of The Chronic Enemies
08 December 2017By Dr. Khaled M.
Batarfi
AS we bless and support the uprising of the General People's Congress party
and its leader, former Yemeni President, Ali Abdullah Saleh, against their
former allies, the Houthis, we should not forget the bizarre (but educating)
story that led to this unholy marriage between two opposing parties.
In political relations, as in human, there is always the so-called
"intersection of interests" that transcends differences, however deep and
strong, to unite forces toward similar goals and to achieve certain interests.
This intersection is like a marriage of convenience that lasts until the
mutual aims are achieved. Then, each party returns to its original project,
private agenda and permanent interests.
British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, summed up this principle when he
declared that there is no permanent friendship or permanent enemy in
international relations, but permanent interests. We have witnessed in this
respect the oscillation of the relationship between the West and the Soviet
Union in World War II from hostility to cooperation.
The Houthis 'relationship with former Yemeni President, Ali Abdullah Saleh, is
another example of politicians' ability to bury deep differences, temporary,
and to agree on immediate interests that require unity of ranks and concerted
efforts. Despite the fact that the two sides are opposed to each other,
ideologically and politically, they were united by the lust for power.
The September Revolution of 1962, was against the 1000-years Imamate rule, the
Houthi movement aspires to resurrect. According to their Shiite ideology, only
the direct descendants of Prophet Muhammad's daughter, Fatima, and her husband
Ali, (peace be upon them), are entitled to rule. The Zaydi, on the other hand,
regard their rule as preferable, but not a must.
The Houthis belong to the "Jaroudiyya", a class of outcasts of the Zaydi sect,
which, in recent decades, has followed the Jaffari Shiite sect, thanks to
Iran's concerted efforts. Therefore, they now follow the Deputy of the Absent
Imam, in Tehran, as the ultimate ruler of all Muslims.
On the other hand, the September 1962 revolution, based on the principles of
the republic and the rejection of religious rule, started with the
assassination of Imam Ahmad bin Yahya Hamid al-Din and the overthrow of his
son, Imam Al-Badr. In the late 1960s, it succeeded in defeating the royalists
and has ruled Yemen, ever since. Today, the republic and its revolution are
represented by the General People Congress party and its allies.
Because of such bloody history of sectarian and political conflict, the
republicans and Shiite royalists went into six wars. The Ansarallah movement
(established by Badr al-Din al-Houthi and his sons, Hussein and Abdulmalik),
has fought the former president's government with the support of Iran and
Qatar. Each war has ended with the government on top, and with the Houthis'
signature on a peace treaty. And every time, the war would ensue as soon as
the movement regains its strength.
Against this blatant contradiction in ideology and goals, the interests of the
chronic enemies converged to overthrow the legitimate government and to seize
power. The former president had planned for his eldest son, Brigadier General,
Ahmad, to win a rigged election and assume the presidency. The prime minister
post could go to the Houthis's representative. Other ministerial, military and
security posts would be shared between the two sides.
Saleh may have forgotten or ignored his previous experiences with the movement
—its perpetual defiance of the covenants, its organic relationship with Iran,
and its belief in the Imamate rule. Or perhaps he underestimated their power,
and overestimated the strength of his Republican Guard, security services, and
Al-Qaeda and Daesh (the so-called IS) allies, assuming he could turn the table
on his partners in crime, any time he wished.
The result is what we witness today — a bloody conflict renewed once more
among yesterday's enemies, today's allies, after each side returned to their
comfort zone of conflicting agendas and diverged interests. Add to that the
lack of confidence in such unholy marriage, the dispute over power sharing and
war booty, with the ever-increasing scarcity of resources.
I wish this uprising to succeed in freeing Yemen from the claws of Iran and
pray for a safe return to its Arab-Muslim Gulf home. I also hope that we all
learn from past lessons, before moving on to setting up the grand and noble
project of rebuilding a happy, prosperous, peaceful Yemen.
— Dr. Khaled M. Batarfi is a Saudi writer based in Jeddah. He can be
reached at kbatarfi@gmail.com. Follow him at Twitter:@kbatarfi
©
EsinIslam.Com
Add Comments